--- title: "Complete Book 0" book: "MA Pol.Sc 402" category: "MA" publisher: "Ratan Prakashan Mandir Pvt. Ltd." type: "Educational Material" ---  According to Latest Syllabus Read For Sure Success In University Examination RATAN TEXT BOOK STATE POLITICS IN INDIA WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO HIMACHAL PRADESH M.A.Political Science (Sem-IV) Dr. Amar Shekhawat Published by Ratan Prakashan Mandir Pvt. Ltd. 2nd Floor, Centre Plaza, Parinay Kunj, Lajpat Kunj Marg, Agra-282002 Copyright Authors & Publishers Published by Ratan Prakashan Mandir Pvt. Ltd. 2nd Floor, Centre Plaza, Parinay Kunj, Lajpat Kunj Marg, Agra-282002 ISBN :978-81-69604-06-2 Price 210.00 only Printed at : KIDS INTERNATIONAL PVT. LTD. C-60, 61, 62, 63, EPIP, Shastripuram, Agra - 282007 Ph. : +91 9719004921 UNIT-I CHAPTER 1STATE POLITICS: CONCEPT, NATURE, AND SCOPE Structure 1 .0 Introduction 1.1    Learning Objectives 1.2    Approaches to understand the Nature of State Politics 1.3    Scope of State Politics 1.4    Summary 1.5    Answer to self- check Exercise 1.6    Suggested Readings 1.7    Terminal Questions 1 .0 Introduction It is significant that though some sort of political organization has existed since ancient times, such as Greek city-states and the Roman Empire, yet the concept of the 'state' as such is comparatively modern. The contemporary concept of the state owes its origin to Machiavelli (1469-1527) who expressed this idea in early sixteenth century as 'the power which has authority over men' (The Prince; 1513). This was an important idea because it describes the nature of the state, not the end of the state which was a question of political philosophy rather than political sociology or political science. This peculiar feature of the state has been the focus of attention of many recent thinkers. Max Weber (1864-1920), a famous German sociologist, sought to evolve a 'sociological' definition of the state: Sociologically, the state cannot be defined in terms of its ends... Ultimately, one can define the modern state sociologically only in terms of the specific means peculiar to it, as to every political association, namely the use of physical force. From this standpoint, Weber arrives at the following definition which is widely acknowledged in modern political theory: 'A State is a human community that (successfully) claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory'. R.M. Maclver, in his famous work The Modern State (1926), sought to distinguish the state from other kinds of associations in that it embraces the whole of people in a specific territory and it has the special function of maintaining social order. It performs this function through its agent, the government 'which speaks with the voice of law'. Similarly, R.M. Maclver and C.H. Page (Society: An Introductory Analysis; 1950) have observed: "The state is distinguished from all other associations by its exclusive investment with the final power of coercion." Harold J. Laski, in An Introduction to Politics (1931), similarly points out: Whereas all other associations are voluntary in character, and can bind the individual only as he chooses membership of them, once he is a resident of some given state, legally he has no choice but to obey its commands. The state, so to say, is the crowning-point of the modern social edifice, and it is in its supremacy over all other forms of social grouping that its special nature is to be found. In political science, the word state means a community or society politically organized under one independent government within a definite territory and subject to no outside control. There can be no community without the people to form one, and no common life without some definite piece of territory to live in. When people live a collective life, they fulfil the meaning of Aristotle's famous phrase, "Man is a social animal" and when they live a settled life on a definite territory to realize the purpose of collective living, they fulfil the meaning of Aristotle's second famous phrase, "Man is a political animal". The people are bound by rules of common behaviour and their violation is accompanied by punishment. That is the state. Society meets man's companionship; the state solves the problem created by such companionship. Therefore, the state is some form of association with some special characteristics, particularly that of its territorial connection and of its use offered. It is charged with the duty to maintain those conditions of life for which the state came into existence and for which it continues to exist. Therefore, the state is a natural, a necessary, and a universal institution. It is natural because it is rooted in the reality of human nature. It is necessary because, according to Aristotle, "The state comes into existence originating in the bare needs of life and continuing in existence for the sake of good life". Man needs the state to satisfy his diverse needs and to be what he desires to be. Without the state he cannot rise to the full stature of his personality. In fact, in the absence of such a controlling and regulating authority, society cannot be held together and there will be disorder and anarchy. What food means to the human body the state means to man. Both are indispensable for his existence and development. The state has existed whenever and wherever man has lived in and organized society. The concept of state can have varied meaning. We can begin with understanding what it is not. State is not a country, nor government nor nation. Country is a territorial entity, a geographical concept. Nation is more of an internal entity which resides in the minds of people. In the words of Sabine, nation refers to a unity of culture; a feeling of loyalty for a common land, common language and literature, identity of history and common heroes and common religion… Government on the other hand is a part of the state and not a state per se.State can be defined as a legal and political entity, endowed with authority to govern the people. State usually exists in a country, but existence of country does not guarantee the existence of state. Unless country is independent, it is not a state. And state can exist with or without the feeling of nationalism. 1.1    Learning Objectives: This chapter will help student to learn about the meaning, definition and nature of state. With the help of various approaches students became capable to understand the nature of state politics. 1.2    Approaches to understand the Nature of State Politics The state is a central player in the modern drama of development, and nowhere is it more important than in the development of the third world. Its successes, its failures and its distortions cannot be fully appreciated without a proper understanding of the trajectories of state formation. To understand how states are forward and how they have come to be what they are, we must think historically, about them, and look beyond the formal structures to their social and political specifications. Modern state may be classified into two broad forms-liberal democratic and totalitarian. While the former stands on the foundation of democracy signifying residence of power in the hands of the people and its utilization by their chosen representatives; the latter is antithetic of the former where political power is in the hands of a group of power-hungry politicians or a junta of military oligarchs who strive to severe legitimacy of their rule by means of force and fraud’. Another variety popularly known by the name of ‘welfare state’ has emerged. The concept welfare state has been devised to meet the challenge of the totalitarian state. Various attempts have been made to understand the politics of India. The following approaches are helpful to understand the nature of state politics: Liberal Approach The liberal approach stressed on institution and processes as the key to understanding the state and political power. It recognises the need for development and social change. To study the nature of any particular state, it is necessary to analyse the relation between state, power, and social classes and the purpose of the state. The liberal democratic form stands on 7 the foundation of democracy. It sees the state as a democratic state where rule of the people is implemented with freedom of speech and expression, free and periodic elections, a responsible and accountable government, independent judiciary, rule of law etc. Through rule of law it prevents chaos and anarchy in the society which restricts absolute freedom but creates freedom within the law for all citizens. This approach emphasised the primacy and independence of political processes. This is evident from the writings of Rajni Kothari, S. Rudolph and F. Frankel. Liberal scholars have stressed the need of acceptance of the centrality of state as an autonomous actors or relative autonomy, where state has to play a highly Interventionist developmental role. Further rule of one party in India i.e. Congress party’s dominance for nearly four decades had helped to strengthen the political base for the emergence of a strong state. It emerged as Independent from colonial rule under Indian national Congress which transformed itself into a ruling party and acquired the characteristic of an accommodating party. Political scientists like Rajni Kothari, Norman Palmer and Morris Jones have subscribed to the Liberal modernist perspective. Rajni Kothari commented on Indian model as a society of ‘dominant political centre’ which is characterised by plural identities. He considered the existence of pluralist tolerance and a genius for integration as the important factors for the successful establishment of Democracy in India. Morris Jones focus was on the working of political institutions and processes to understand the nature of state in India. He gave the importance to Democratic institutions in bringing the transformation at different levels. He stressed on the “capability of political institutions in bringing about economic and social change”. (1) It was assumed that “with a liberal democratic constitutional system and universal suffrage, the Indian political system would gradually develop its own processes of democratic decision- making, rational administration, and modern citizenship”. (2) This combination of “democratic ideology, economic development, distributive justice provided a unique opportunity of transforming a traditionally apolitical society in which the state became the central instrument and politics the principal agent of transformation. (3) This shows the optimistic picture of political institutions and democratic processes. The liberal critique of the Indian state can be read in the writings of Rajni Kothari, Atul Kohli, The Rudolphs, Gunnar Myrdal , Gunnar Myrdal criticized the inability of the state to enforce public policies to eradicate poverty or to enforce laws and dubbed the institutional model of the Indian state as “soft state”. According to Myrdal, the Indian state was soft as it had no power to rectify institutions that stood in the way of reform and development. As a result, it could not tackle the institution of caste directly, take measures of effective land reform, eradicate corruption or enforce ideas of development effectively through the people. One consequence of this softness has been the growth of left-wing extremism, which Manmohan Singh called the “gravest internal threat” to the country’s security. Myrdal's 'hard state ' would have been able to tackle Naxalism which has gravely affected the nation. The liberal approach focuses on institutions and processes to understand state and political power in India. The state is considered the central instrument of social progress and principal agent of transformation. According to the Rudolphs, there are two groups characterised in the Indian state, one being the ‘owners of production’ and the other 8 being the ‘labourer’ group. They analysed the state as a mediator between these two conflicting groups, and in doing so, must remain autonomous in order to maintain structural unity of the state. The role of the state would hence be the "third actor". The Rudolphs believe in the Indian state as a weak –strong state. It is strong because of large basic industries, ideology of secularism Democracy, Socialism and mixed economy that has minimized conflicts. It is weak because of caste class conflicts, religious fundamentalism and communalism, rising levels of political mobilization etc. Self- Check Exercise 1)    Discuss liberal approach of State politics 2)    What do you mean by Marxist approach of State Politics. Marxist Approach Then there is Marxist approach where political economy is the vital factor. State is the most important vehicle of economic development. It ascribes a partisan role to the state in the ongoing class struggle between the ruling class and the ruled. Marxist would have described the Indian state responsible for constituting a social order which maintains hegemony of capital over labour and seeks to reproduce this relationship. This was the main intellectual counterpoint of western political thought, beginning with Plato and Aristotle. This considered the state essential to the maintenance of order and civilisation. Marxist argued that the state emerged historically along with the division of society into a ruling class that enjoyed leisure and privilege, while the mass of people was limited to make a living and were exploited as slaves and proletarians in the overall evolution of society from the ancient period to the modern one. Later Marx was convinced that the state could be abolished when the proletariat had won the class struggle, something that he believed was inevitable. Communist party of India describes India as a national bourgeoisie state which has the possibility of moving peacefully towards socialism by following a non-capitalist path of development. The Indian capitalist class is today, after more than five decades of post-independence, a class which has expanded and undergone some important changes. At the time of independence itself, there was a big bourgeoisie, which dominated this class as a whole. But the outlook of this big bourgeoisie has undergone a significant change. It was the big bourgeoisie which spelt out the type of capitalist development that was undertaken in India from the 1950s: (a) a class which understood the international situation and its own base in Indian society. It needed the Indian State to accumulate capital and develop capitalism. The State capitalism, which the Indian ruling classes sponsored, played a two-fold role. It enabled the development of capitalism within a constrained framework. A model of capitalist development without a thoroughgoing agrarian revolution, which necessitated a compromise with landlordism and the development of agrarian capitalism from above relying on landlords and the rich peasants. (b) The subordinate position of the Indian bourgeoisie vis a vis world capitalism required the organic link with foreign finance capital and reliance on this imperialist capital to advance the path of capitalist development. (c) Such a capitalist development could have a relative degree of autonomy in a situation where there was the existence of the Soviet Union and a socialist bloc; the bourgeois-landlord classes in India could utilise the conflicts 9 between the two blocs and manoeuvre to strengthen its own position to a limited extent. Academic Marxist like A.R. Desai called India a capitalist state. (4) A “bourgeoisie constitution” as he named the Indian constitution, argued that initially inclusion of right to property in the constitution was to give the right to income through ownership which resulted in social inequalities. Further Indian Planning based on mixed economy accepted a class structure based on private ownership as the basis for economic development. He said the tilt of mixed economy is towards private sector. On the same lines, C.P. Bhambari has highlighted the conflict within the ruling classes and a relative weakening of the state. Hamza Alvi has argued that India as a post-colonial state had relative economy in mediating the competing interests of the ruling classes. There exist some specific conditions which helped the state to play an autonomous role in post-colonial states. He contends that there is no class-based politics in India and there are multi- class parties like Congress, the weakness of indigenous propertied class allows the Indian state a great measure of relative autonomy. On the same lines another scholar Partha Chatterjee says that there has been a coalition of dominant classes since independence. The power was shared with landed elites to exercise control over the state. A Marxist understanding of the Indian state shows the class character of the state, serving the dominant classes and using coercive means to safeguard their socio- economic structure, if need be. Gandhian Approach Gandhian approach to study the nature of state is based on the concept of Swaraj. It means absence of alien rule and establishment of self- Government. He considered state a necessary evil and supported Thoreau’s dictum that “that Government is the best which governs the least”. It says that Government is best when interference with people’s liberties and rights is minimum. In Gandhi’s assessment, the state (Western type) was the symbol of violence in concentrated form. In order to ensure allegiance from the citizens the state (which means its authority) applies coercion or violent measures mercilessly. Once he said, “the individual has a soul but the state is a soulless machine, the state can never be weaned away from violence to which it owes its existence”. In other words, Gandhi treated both state and violence or coercion synonymous. He further says that there is a state but not violence or coercion in any form cannot be imagined. He gathered experience in South Africa that more and more power to the state meant more and more violence or greater amount of coercion. In the name of the maintenance of law and order the South Africa’s white government acquired enormous power and this led to the ruthless administration, exploitation and curtailment of individuals’ liberty. 10 He once said that a political organisation based on violence would never receive his approval. Rather, he is always afraid of such an organisation. What he felt about the Western state system is quite explicit in a comment which he made, “I look upon an increase in the power of the state with greatest fear, because although while apparently doing good by minimising exploitation, it does the greatest harm to mankind by destroying individuality which is at the root of progress”. From the above analysis it is absolutely clear that Gandhi rejected the state of Western model on the ground that it represented violence or coercion. Now the question is why did he oppose violence so much? The modern state, according to Gandhi, was about to destroy individuality—that individual freedom and spontaneous urge to work. Secondly, the individualism is the root cause of progress. Gandhi believed that nothing could be done by applying coercion. Again, the individual cannot be forced to do any work against his will or spontaneous desire. To put it in other words, according to Gandhi the progress of the society can be achieved through the functions which the individuals perform willingly. But Gandhi appears to us as more aggressive. Under any circumstances the individual’s freedom cannot be sacrificed. Gandhi’s love for individual’s freedom ranks him with the great anarchist philosophers the central idea is that to Gandhi state is an undesirable political organisation because of its close connection with violence. Gandhi’s Swaraj means Government by the consent and participation of the people. For him direct democracy is impossible in a large country like India. After independence the constitution makers of India adopted some features of Gandhian state. Some of these are stress on egalitarian Society, untouchability and special care towards the weaker sections of society. In fact, he wanted to establish decentralization of power through Panchayat Raj System all over India. Further he justified the existence of state in terms of the functions it performs, so long as and to the extent it performs the functions which lead to the good, welfare and upliftment of all human beings. 1.3    Scope of State Politics The term political science is well-known. Since man began to organise his social life, politics has played a significant role in it. As we all know, political science is concerned with various human political activities. However, Political Science has taken on a variety of definitions throughout history, and its scope continues to expand. Although various political thinkers have discussed political science since ancient times, it is a relatively new academic discipline. Meaning of Political Science and Politics Aristotle, the famous Greek philosopher, coined the term; in his discussion of the definition of Political Science. He referred to it as the master science; Man is by nature a political animal Aristotle wrote in his famous book Politics and stated that who is without state by nature and not by mere accident, is either above humanity or below it. According to this definition, humans are hardwired to desire to live in a society because only a well-organized society can assist them in meeting their basic needs. As a corollary, a well-governed state capable of ensuring human life security and promoting human welfare and advancement is necessary for a well-organized social existence. Simultaneously, an institutional mechanism resembling the government is required for the exercise of political authority and state administration. As a result, Political Science is simply a scientific examination of the state and government in the conventional Indeed, in ancient Greece, the term it was used to refer to the activities of city-states, or polis. Consider the following key definitions of Political Science in the conventional sense. •    Political Science begins and ends with the state according to Dr. Garner. •    According to Paul Janet, a French political philosopher; Political Science is that part of social science that deals with the foundations of the State and the principles of government •    According to German thinker Garris;Political Science deals with the origin, development, purpose, and all political problems of the State. •    According to Stephen Leacock, a British political scientist; Political Science deals with the government and frictions while providing sufficient ground for mutual cooperation. As a result, resolution of disagreements is a critical political objective. Finally, politics is about collective decision-making (by the government) that is binding on a group of people in order to resolve conflict. Politics, as a legitimate exercise of power, takes on a new meaning in this context. •    According to Harold Lasswell, political science is the study of the shaping and sharing of power. •    Finally, Political Science has acquired broad connotations or meanings that include not only the study of institutional mechanisms such as the state and government, but also the dynamics and processes underlying various political phenomena such as power, influence, rule, authority, bargaining, and conflict resolution that occur within the political system in relation to the broader social environment. Politics is the study of Institution and their activities: which are aimed to securing good life for the community were regarded to be the part of politics in ancient Greek city state. In modern way the decision of cabinet and parliament, election campaigns and other activities of political parties ‘people’s movement seeking change in law and public policy etc. belong to politics. Study of power: Politics is the study of power because politics as the exercise of power by politicians, or as power exercised within the institution of the state. Study of Human Behaviour and Political Behaviour: As an aspect of political science, attempt to quantify and explain the influences that define a person’s political views, ideology and levels of political participation. Political behaviour is the subset of human behaviour that involves politics and power. Study of politicians, Lobbyist, and administrators: In politics, lobbyist or certain practices that share commonalities with lobbying are sometimes, referred to as government relations and government affairs and sometime legislative relations. However, politics is the study of lobbyist including politicians who hold and exercise power. 1.4    Summary Every state politics has its own internal dynamics and is different from others. This difference is on the basis of population, territory, economy, topography, caste, religion, class, communities and relationships respectively. There are commonalities across the boundaries like the expansion and intensification of capitalism, social relations, administrative transparency, growth of party system and emergence of civil society. The study of state politics after independence in India was undertaken less seriously because of the dominance of one-party system at centre and their influence upon states. The states are dependent on centre because the distribution of powers and revenue was more in favour of centre. Due to the changing social structures and civic requirements the governance, decentralization, infrastructural development have acquired prominence in last 20 years. The law and order are supposed to be a state concern but the 42nd Constitutional Amendment 1976 made deployment of forces in aid of civil power in a state an exclusive union competence. These developments overshadow the state governments and subordinate state politics into national politics. In the past 63 years several works have been published on the theme of 'state politics' but most writers have concentrated on electoral politics 1.5    Answer to self- check exercise 1)    In a nutshell, Marxism argues that political and social change is driven by class struggle. Moreover, class struggle can also be found in every system of the different state. On the other side, in this approach, state is a crucial institution to study politics of country. The Marxist views the state as an ‘executive of the bourgeoisie or of the propertied classes. 2)    Liberal approach of state overestimates the individual and conversely underestimates the potentials of the state. Its zeal to protect and promote the individual in his rights, liberties, and autonomy. It seeks to build a capitalistic system where the state is reduced the position of an instrument serving the exploitative tendencies. This focus on individual rights and the state role in protecting these rights. 1.6    Suggested Readings 1.    Berry, N. P. (1989). An Introduction to Modern Political Theory Macmillan. 2.    Hasan, Z. (2002). (eds.) Politics and the State in India. Sage Publications. 3.    Bhambhari, C. P.(1988). Politics in India (1947-87). Vikas Publications. 4.    Kothari, R. (1970). Politics in India. Orient Longman. 5.    Chatterjee, R. (Ed.)(1997). State and Politics in India. OUP. 1.7    Terminal Questions •    What do you mean by politics? Analysis the nature of state politics. •    Define various approaches to understand the nature of state politics. •    What do you mean by Marxist approach? How can be understand the nature of state politics through Marxist approach? Explain. •    Discuss nature of state politics? Briefly Explain its scope. Chapter 2 APPROACHES TO STUDY STATE POLITICS: MYRON WEINER AND IQBAL NARAIN Structure 2.0 Introduction 2.1    Learning Objectives 2.2    Myron Weiner Approach of Regional Politics in India 2.3    Iqbal Narain’s Approach 2.4    Impact of legacy 2.5    Political integration 2.6    Power sharing mechanisms 2.7    Political culture 2.8    Political participation 2.9    Social basis of political power 2.10    Economic limits to politics 2.11    Party political competition 2.12    Peoples’ movements and struggles 2.13    Politics of violence 2.13    Answer to self-check exercise 2.14    Summary 2.15    Suggested Readings 2.16    Terminal Questions 2.0 Introduction: Lesson writing for students is a chance to discuss the rise of state politics. It has been widely accepted that the Lok Sabha election is nothing but an aggregation of state level elections. There are over at least two dozen parties, many of them state-wide, as we do a back-of-the-envelope calculation of the coming elections. In Indian politics has travelled a long way from 1970s and 1980s when this was not the case, when national electoral waves swept across states, and electoral projections were about how the national mood was swinging for or against a nationwide party. The rise of state politics as an autonomous domain invites and requires theoretical attention by students of comparative politics. This essay offers a preliminary frame for such a comparative analysis by identifying some key issues that need to be enquired into and offering working hypotheses for each of these lines of enquiry. Before turning to these it may be useful to understand what we mean by the autonomy of state politics and why it needs more attention than it has so far received. Clearly, when we talk about the autonomy of state politics, we are talking about autonomy from national politics. In the last two decades, state politics has broken free of the logic of national politics and has acquired a rhythm and logic of its own. This manifests itself in many ways related to one another. First, states have emerged as the effective arena of political choice. If the people voted in state assembly elections held in 1970s and 1980s as if they were choosing the prime minister, they now vote in the parliamentary elections as if they are choosing their chief minister. In their eyes an individual constituency is too small and the country too big; it is at the level of the state that the voters make their choice. Second, the nature of political choice now varies from state to state. We have moved a long way from the old Congress vs. Opposition scenario that was replicated all over the country. Nor have we entered a multi-party system in all the states. The Lok Sabha may present the picture of an intensely fragmented multi-party system, but at the state level we can find all kinds of contests: bipolar, triangular, four cornered or even more fragmented. Third, ‘regional parties’ or state-wide parties, have become more salient than ever before. One cannot even begin to play the favourite national sport of ‘kaunbanega PM’ without factoring in the prospects and the proclivities of the AIADMK, TDP, SP, BSP and the TMC, even if one overlooks the regional parties that are now somewhat stable allies of the UPA or the NDA. The state units of national parties too are more independent, at least in terms of the issues, strategies and styles, if not leadership, than used to be the case. In some non-trivial ways the CPM units in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura are three different parties. Fourth, following from the first three, if the unit and the nature of political choice varies from state to state, so does the outcome. The changing fortunes of political parties are not replicated across state boundaries in ways that was the case in the past. For instance, currently the four big states of South India are being ruled by four very different political formations: Congress in AP, BJP in Karnataka, DMK-led alliance in Tamil Nadu and the LDF in Kerala. The Hindi heartland that used to swing together is now a political mosaic. In terms of pattern, anti-incumbency is the norm in many states, but not everywhere. Fifth, governmental outcomes have become more variegated at the state level. Citizens’ access to various goods and services varies across the country, within each state, district and town and even village. But the most significant variation now is the one among different states, which is a function of how everyday politics, including social movements and political struggles, relates to the governmental apparatus. Sixth, state level politics is freer of the control of national politics and is often in a position to dictate terms to national politics. This happens in the most visible manner when state-wide parties determine the agenda of national politics or enjoy an upper hand in their bargain with national parties. Finally, a long-term process of differentiation of political community has ensured that the citizens’ identity has crystallized around states. The reorganization of states along linguistic lines had set off this process. But a political community by that time had not emerged along the boundaries of states. The recent era in the evolution of democratic politics has witnessed the emergence of states as the markers of political identity. Each state has developed a distinctive political culture, its own vocabulary of politics. Some of the long-term political trends and patterns have also differentiated along state lines. Interest in and study of state level political processes is not new. Even in the sixties and the seventies, when the focus was on the ‘all-India’ patterns, attention was indeed given to state specific processes. However, most studies of state politics tended to emphasize the peculiarities of each state and thus develop a state-specific story.1Somehow, state politics was seen in terms of developing political trajectories that were independent of all-India politics. Elsewhere, we have dealt with these developments. The 1980s and the early ’90s witnessed a lull in study of the states and state politics though the developments of the ’90s forcefully brought back the states into the consciousness of the students of Indian politics. But this development did not really receive the kind of attention it deserved: states were now recognized as the main theatre for the unfolding of the drama; state parties became the focus of attention; and state level electoral verdicts came to be analyzed for explaining national electoral outcomes. But all this still happened within the confines of the state-specific stories rather than by weaving the threads together. 2.1    Learning objectives: It will help students to learn about the various approaches to understand the regional politics in India. It provides picture to the students to understand the nature of Indian politics. 2.2    Myron Weiner Approach of Regional Politics in India Myron Weiner, one of the pioneers of the study of state politics in India, had long back recognized the need to go much beyond this approach. He made a powerful plea for using the state level studies to develop a comparative perspective on state politics in India. In retrospect it is clear that Weiner was ahead of his times. The comparative frame that Weiner proposed was only an initial sketch. Myron Wiener’s approach treats each state as a constituent unit within a larger system, but nonetheless also as a separate political system and tries to describe and analyse the political process in a single state and to relate that process to (a) social and economic environment in which politics occurs and (b) the performance of government. Thus he says that the States can be studied as constituent units of a larger system, and the units themselves are large enough to be studied as total system. The contributors to his volume found it difficult to follow his suggestion. Nonetheless, his early work does underscore the need to adopt a comparative framework. • Elite and Mass culture In 1963, Myron Weiner published an article that regarded as one of his most important short pieces on Indian politics. In that article, he posited the existence in India of what he called two 'political cultures', one that manifested itself in the districts and localities, 'both urban and rural', and the other that inhabited the national capital, whose denizens occupied the Indian Civil Service, the Planning Commission, and the leading body in the governing party, the Working Committee of the Indian National Congress. Weiner clearly thought carefully when he chose names for these two cultures. He rejected the idea that one was a modern culture, the other traditional because, as he said, “there are aspects of both modernity and traditionalism penetrating both views”. He chose instead the terms, ‘elite ‘political culture and ‘mass’ political culture. The former was elite not only or even primarily in social background, but in its outlook which, despite Weiner's recognition that it contained traditional components, was modernistic and rationalistic. The mass political culture reflected the social organisation and attitudes of the bulk of the country’s population; local politicians who inhabited this culture understood and knowhow to operate within the categories of caste, tribe, ethnicity, and local and regional languages. The elite culture operated largely in English, had a vision for the country as a whole, and was attuned as much to the outside, western world as to Indian society. Weiner thought it inevitable that the two cultures would clash as they expanded in opposite directions towards each other. He thought there was a danger to be feared from such a clash, which might arise especially from the conflict between the 'utopian' elements in the elite modernising vision and the orientation of politicians in the mass political culture towards their caste, kin, and ethnic groups and the demands for 'patronage and power' that emanated from them and their clients. According Weiner both cultures were also expanding: the elite culture was radiating out from its political centre in New Delhi, while the mass culture was expanding from the localities up to “the state legislative assemblies, state governments and state administrations”. This resulted in the emergence of state as an important factor in the political arithmetic of Indian politics recognising this reality, he organised two conferences on state politics and brought out a book out of it. He prepared a framework for the authors to analyse the political process within the state. The essays in his book compare and analyse the political processes of eight of the seventeen states. The contributors have attempted to treat the various states within a common framework, illuminating the changing patterns of political participation in India, the problem of integration within the states, the many state party systems that they have developed, and the performance of the state governments. Myron Weiner’s approach treats each state as a constituent unit within a larger system, but nonetheless also as separate political system. Thus, he says that the states can be studied “as constituent units of a larger system, and the units themselves are large enough to be studied as a total system”. In fact, he tries to describe and analyse “the political process in a single state “and relates that process to (a) the socio-economic environment in which politics occurs, and (b) the performance of the Government. Myron Weiner’s framework, thus, reflects distinct biases towards the ‘systems approach’, but with an explicit difference. He has built Systems approach “with a difference in so far as it insists on its application with a development and hence, essentially dynamic perspective.” While developing the framework, he delineates the conceptual image with five determinants: institutional, physiological levels of politics, socio-economic and political, and the elite structure. He then proceeds to construct a three-dimensional framework consisting of the contextual, structural and operational. In the contextual dimension, he includes following components: •    history of a state; •    the geographical locale; •    infrastructure manifesting itself in social pluralism; •    the level and pattern of economic development; •    human resources; •    the level of education; and •    Urbanisation. The structural dimension, according to Myron Weiner, consists of formal constitutional structure (Governor, Chief Minister, Legislature, political institutions and political parties, pressure groups, administration framework, etc.). However, Weiner limits the third category of Operational dynamics to the role orientation of the actors, political behaviour and functional dimension, etc. •    Political Parities: In India, the political party system is not yet fully developed, and the political parties do not necessarily reflect the interests or the will of the people. Especially in local politics, various well-organized groups representing special interests, rather than political parties, are really playing more important roles. The book (Politics of Scarcity) deals with the various problems of these organized interests from two aspects: •    how these organized interests influence public policy or administration, and •    How the Government responds to their demands. Prof. Weiner mentions five organized interests: community associations, trade unions, organized business, agrarian movements, and students. He gives “community " a very broad meaning, the interpretation of which is so often the source of argument in India's politics, and includes, besides the religious associations, tribal, caste, and linguistic and ethnic associations. " Provincialism, communism, and casteism " are attacked, using Nehru's own words, as obstacles to national unity and modernization. However actually, whether it be the National Congress Party, Socialist Party, or Commul1lst Party, it is necessary for political parties to make use of these communal groups or associate with them to varying degrees. Prof. Weiner reaches an interesting conclusion to this problem, vizo 1) the number of community associations "is likely to increase as the pace of. Social change increases," and 2) “the increase In such associations is likely to have a stabilizing effect." As to the political function which the organized interests perform, the following noteworthy two items are pointed out by him: firstly, “though organized interests do have an impact on the formation of public policy in India, to a large extent this influence has been a negative one;" and secondly, "organized groups largely influence the administration than the formulation of policy." And their influence is most markedly exercised at the State administrative level. One of the most outstanding examples was the land reform which the National Congress Party tried to put into effect. However, the Central Government's policy was emasculated at State level. In order to realize their objectives the interest groups very often resort to mass movements or sometimes to violence. Their leaders do not hesitate to use such effective weapons as civil disobedience or hartals rather than petitions or deputations, and have often succeeded in getting concessions from the Government. The most notorious defeat the Central Government suffered was when it tried to establish new units of State government on the basis of language, and backed down in the face of mass demonstrations. "Only' when public order is endangered by a mass movement is the government willing to make a concession, not because they consider the demand legitimate, but because they then recognize the strength of the group making the demand and its capacity for destructiveness." Naturally the responsible government must be responsive to popular demands, but there is danger that the Indian Government may make too many concessions to the demands of various organized groups, in the present state of India. In Prof. Weiner's opinion, the danger to India's democracy is "in the breakdown of authority than in its concentrations." In order to modernize the country and carry out economic planning, the Indian Government must somehow control or restrain these demands. Generally speaking, in underdeveloped countries, a great gap exists between aspirations and reality. Can this gap be narrowed by economic development? Prof. Weiner answers this question in the following way: “In the short run, economic growth can therefore be politically unstabilizing." India has now entered its third five-year programme period. There are still such problems as politics, social organization, and cultural values, to be solved in order to realize the plan. However, it is true to say that very few studies have been made in the field of political process and its relation to realization of the policy so far. Actually, the big problem India faces at the moment is "a great hiatus between law and reality, between what is willed by the national leadership and what is done at the local level, between the high ideals in New Delhi and the cynicism in the mofussil towns." In order to eliminate these gaps, it is important to study the political situations, especially at the level of local politics. In short, one lesson which could be derived from "The Politics of Scarcity" would be: in the long run, it is true that, unless there is economic stability, there is no political stability. But, where underdeveloped countries are concerned, unless there is, for the present, political stability 'or an effectively workable political system, it is very difficult to expect their economic development. 2.3    Iqbal Narain’s Approach Iqbal Narain’s framework also, likes that of Myron Weiner, draws heavily upon “system’s approach”. But it has a difference so far it insists on its application in the context of political development and hence has essentially a dynamic perspective. He suggests to view the political system of a state in India as a point of confluence of national, state and local politics, as a system of interconnections and interactions between the governing elite structure on the one hand and political institutions, processes and policies on the other. For a theoretical framework Iqbal Narain first of all delineates the conceptual image which consists of no less than five determinants, institutional, psychological, level of politics, socio-economic, d elite structure. He then proceeds to construct a three dimensional framework. These dimensions are contextual, structural and operative. The contextual dimension influences the structural and more than that, the operative aspects of a political system. The structural and more particularly the operative aspects, in turn affect, modify and even change the context itself, though in a comparatively slow and even imperceptible manner. The components of the contexts are history, geography, infrastructure, level and pattern of economic development, human resource, and level of education and urbanization of a state. The structure is obviously an amalgam of formal constitutional structure, political institutions and process and administrative framework. The operational dimension consists of role orientation of the actors, the behavioural aspect and the functional dimension both from qualitative and quantitative angles. Iqbal Narain, however, points out that developing a theoretical framework at best can be exercise in analytic political theory rather than as empiricists attempt at model building from scientifically collected field data, which are not available in good measure. The task becomes all be more challenging because one has to deal here with dynamics of contemporary politics, the full facts about which are not usually known, as such , its outline tends to be blurred and lazy. What makes the job still more baffling as the fact that one has to grapple here not with one pattern but with several patterns of state politics which are emerging. If at all, through none too steady pull and swing of politics at the central and state levels. This according to Iqbal Narain is understandable also. India being a transitional society is politics tends to be in a process of flux and change. As a pace of socio-economic transformation is slow and as the direction of polarization of political forces in its wake is not clearly discernible, the patterns of state do not have in every case a determinate outline with steady contours. More recently, following the lead of Kohli, many more comparative studies of state politics have emerged. Most of these involve two or more states in a comparative design. This welcome development might benefit from some reflections on the overarching framework. Such a reflection must begin with some consideration of what is the objective of comparison. Discussions of India’s tryst with democracy repeatedly show that this has not produced uniform results across time and space: there have been moments of concern, hiccups, bleak disappointments and jubilation; there have also been terrains where these moments were strongly or weakly experienced. In other words, the quality of democracy has varied over time and across states. This is not the place to go into the vast literature on the subject. Suffice it to indicate here that by quality of democracy we mean not just the smooth functioning of the basic legal-constitutional apparatus of democracy but also the fulfilment of essential regulative tasks and providing access to symbolic and material resources to the citizens in a way that opens up the possibility of a further deepening of the democratic norm. Thus, it is not difficult to see that different states of the Indian union have a variegated record on these aspects of democracy. We propose that a comparison across states might help us better understand this variation as also in developing an explanatory framework. It might also salvage the study of state politics from primarily focusing on statespecific engagement. Thus understood, the sub-discipline of comparative politics could be transformed in the Indian context into a comparative study of the quality of democracy across Indian states. In what follows we suggest some themes that could become the focus of such a comparative study of democracy across the states in India. Each of these themes invites us to ask a question that permits a meaningful comparison. For each of these we also propose an initial working hypothesis, boldly and baldly presented here as theses. The basic idea is to provoke discussion and stimulate further studies that might challenge the initial formulations offered here. 2.4    Impact of legacy The very first question concerns the burden of history or the impact of political legacy. To what extent can the differentials in the quality of democracy be explained with reference to the conditions that existed at the time of independence? Which aspects of political legacy continue to have greater imprint on the state of affairs today? With the benefit of hindsight, we can make a distinction between two aspects of political legacy. Most states began their democratic political journey around 1950 and some even later. As we move away from the founding moment, we see a gradual erosion of the impact of the erstwhile institutional and administrative histories in ways that are not apparent at the national level. At the time of independence, one of the major differences was between the areas under princely rule and areas under direct British rule. The former had less intense popular struggles generally and somewhat higher levels of influence of the feudal social and political order. This distinction clearly mattered in the early postindependence period, as witnessed in the success of many ex-princely rulers and the Swatantra party in those areas. These differences accounted for the structure of political competition in these areas, often between Congress and Rightist forces in many parts of the country. Today, it would be hard to detect the boundaries of princely and British India in the map of democratic politics. The nature of party competition has radically changed. The Congress has been marginalized in many states that it dominated in the 1950s. Although most of the big parties of today trace their legacy to one or the other party that existed in 1952, the structure of party competition is entirely different. The inherited map of politics has thus more or less faded away. Perhaps to a lesser extent we can say the same about the quality of democratic governance. The ‘laggards’ of today are not necessarily the states with poor quality of governance sixty years back. Today we are used to distinguishing between states in the South and West on the one hand and those in the North and the East on the other. This line dividing the ‘advanced’ and the ‘backward’ states did not exist in 1947. It would, however, be hasty to conclude that the past does not matter. The political impact of movements and ideas appears to be more enduring. Areas that came under the influence of communist or socialist movements in the thirties or forties still bear the legacy of that influence, either as a dominant political force (Kerala, West Bengal, Tripura, Bihar, UP) or as protest movements and forces that shape politics (Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Karnataka, Maharashtra). Politics in areas that were marked by social justice movements (Tamil Nadu, Kerala) is different today from the politics of other areas; areas influenced by the Ambedkarite movement (Maharashtra, UP) continue to throw up different patterns from other areas. States that witnessed separatist or secessionist movements(Nagaland, Mizoram, Punjab) or those which experienced major political movements (Bihar, Gujarat, Assam) still bear the legacy of those movements. Even when the structure of political competition appears familiar, the terms of competition are very different across different states and reflect the ideological contestations of the past. We can thus present the first thesis: The political legacy of movements and ideologies at the state level has proved more enduring than that of institutions and organizations. 2.5    Political integration The second set of questions has to do with the nature of integration of the state with the Indian Union, integration within the state and its distinctiveness from other states. To what extent has the state become a political community conscious of its identity and existence? How well has this community integrated with the larger national political community? Does such a community mark its boundaries from its neighbours on the basis of the political boundaries of the state? Does the community face serious challenge from smaller, subregional communities? Writing forty years ago, Myron Weiner commented upon the fact that most of the states, especially those in the Hindi heartland, had not emerged as a political community. Today we have passed that stage. Regional histories, a common cultural-linguistic universe and political experience have combined to ensure that the boundaries of the modern public sphere are often coterminous with the boundaries of the state. This is the level at which political choices are made and intelligible contestations emerge; it is the terrain where people meaningfully relate to the ‘political’. Compared to the condition fifty years back, every state has become more conscious of its regional identity and its existence as a self-contained political community. No doubt there are differences in the level of identity consciousness. This consciousness is weaker in Hindi heartland states like Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh that lack a distinctive language or political culture. The struggles for a linguistic state sharpened this process in states like AP, Maharashtra and Punjab, while regional identity found expression through other movements in Tamil Nadu (Dravid movement), Assam (anti-foreigners movement), Mizoram (insurgency) and West Bengal (communist movement). Different states have also witnessed different trajectories in this respect. Maharashtra and Gujarat both are becoming more regional than before (though the expressions and the political outcomes are different). At the same time, regional selfconsciousness is no longer a central factor in driving the politics of Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Punjab. Finally, regional consciousness combines with other identities in different ways: caste, class and religion both compete with region as also strengthen the region as the basis of political competition. Therefore, in some states –Tamil Nadu or Punjab – caste and/or religion play a crucial role in shaping the regional, whereas in Gujarat, the regional has facilitated the rise of the religious consciousness. As a rule we can say that the strengthening or otherwise of political community is less a function of pre-existing cultural unity in the state and more an outcome of its political articulation in recent times. The rise of state-wide political communities has not, however, weakened the ties of the states with the Indian Union. If anything, the more fully integrated a state is within itself, the greater is the ease with which it exists with the larger union. It is important to note that almost all the states that have witnessed a long-standing separatist strand are marked by deep internal divisions of different kinds, be it linguistic (Nagaland), religious (Punjab), ethnic (Manipur) or linguistic and religious (Jammu and Kashmir) that feed into separatist politics. Nevertheless, since the political leadership at the Centre has accepted a legitimate role for regional identities, the states are more integrated with the Indian Union than was the case fifty years ago. At the same time, the rise of state-level political communities has not suppressed the rise of sub-regional consciousness. Since region is a product of the political experience, and because many states include smaller regions that are incongruent with the dominant regional experience, almost every big state now has identifiable and backward sub-regions: North Bengal, Western Orissa, Poorvanchal, Bundelkhand, besides the famous instances of Telangana and Vidarbha. Whenever economic grievance and availability of a political instrument have combined, the sub-region constitutes a more salient basis of local politics as in Telangana and Vidarbha. Sometimes it even allows for a rather painless creation of new states, such as the three new states in the Hindi. Thus state-wide or sub-regional consciousness is neither the natural nor permanent basis of politics; such a consciousness is partly a result of the project of cultural homogenization and political consolidation in each state or region. Nor can we think of regional or sub-regional identifications as proto-nationalisms that are bound to subvert national unity and suppress smaller identities. Second thesis: The emergence of states as real and imagined political communities has intensified political regionalism without weakening the ties with the larger, national unit or suppressing the emergence of sub-regional communities. Self-Check Exercise 1.    Who wrote ‘State Politics in India’? 2.    Who talk about Mass culture and Elite Culture___________________________? 2.6    Power sharing mechanisms The third set of questions has to do with institutional mechanisms and practices for devolution of power at two different levels. How has the relationship of the states with the Union changed in terms of distribution of powers? And to what extent have the states shared their powers with their administrative and political sub-units? In general a common political institutional frame has ensured that institutional difference is not a key factor in understanding the differences in the quality of democracy across different states. Some ‘special provisions’ for a few states did facilitate greater autonomy for the government and greater space for respecting their specificity, butonly when these provisions were given a free political play (Sikkim after the merger and Mizoram after the accord, but not in Jammu and Kashmir). At the same time, special provisions have perpetuated local oligarchies, not exactly strengthened democracy in those areas, and often weakened the links between the people and political power. For the rest of the country, the relationship between the states and the Centre has been defined by the balance of two opposite forces: politics has ensured greater federalization of the Indian Union, while the working of economic processes and security apparatus has tended to flatten the differences across various states. Both these forces have also led to differentiation among states: the logic of politics has of late tended to favour states like Tamil Nadu that get to play a pivotal role at the Centre while the logic of economy has worked to the advantage of the more developed states and those with greater capacity to attract investment. As for sharing of power within a state, the real tension lies between legal-constitutional advances and lack of political will. Though there have been a few institutional innovations for sub-regional autonomy, the Regional Development Boards in Maharashtra, the Darjeeling Hill Council in West Bengal and the Bodoland Development Council are instances that have made only a cosmetic difference in the absence of political will to share power. Another area of post-Constitution innovation is the evolution of the Panchayati Raj institutions, but so far their impact on the quality of democracy is debatable. Till the nineties, this was the responsibility of the states and the states did come up with different strategies of addressing the challenge of democratic decentralization. There were first generation PRI institutions in states like Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu where though the initiatives were formally speaking, bold, they turned out to be politically and administratively harmless since the existing political establishment managed to convert the PRI institutions into their extensions. Kerala, Karnataka and West Bengal constitute the second generation of PRI where the initiative strengthened local political mobilization and also generated support for the state level players to ward off their political adversaries at the Centre. After the 73rd amendment, though the initiative slipped out of the hands of the states in terms of institutional innovation, the difference in implementation remained and proved to be crucial. This third generation of Panchayati Raj is characterized by a temporary coincidence of political design emanating at the top and the demands of party functionaries at the bottom. This initiative did create political space for grassroots activists of political parties, particularly women, Dalits, and OBCs. But Panchayati Raj is yet to account for serious differentials in the quality of democracy as it remains hostage to the machinations of governments that may be indifferent (Bihar, Jharkhand, UP) or to sabotage from above (as in Andhra Pradesh during TDP rule) or political hijacking (West Bengal). Thesis three: The greater political clout of the states and their unwillingness to share power with their sub-units has blunted the democratizing impulse of institutional reforms and accentuated inequalities across states instead of reducing differences in access to power. 2.7    Political culture The fourth question relates to the domain of political culture, including political ideologies and public opinion. How distinct is the culture of democracy in each state? How does this distinctiveness affect the nature of political choice and the quality of democracy? At the time of independence, different states began with a very different political ethos or mass political attitude depending upon the nature of pre-modern culture, depth of the nationalist movement and the impact of other social and political movements. But soon a culture of democracy crystallized everywhere. This development did not mean that democracy wiped out all regional differences; instead, states evolved their different cultures of democracy depending on the presence of different parties and the nature of ideological contestations in the public sphere. Thus the culture of democracy reflects neither a continuity of pre-modern ethos nor is it an imitation of the borrowed ideas of democracy; the new cultures of democracy are distinctly modern yet specific to the state concerned. At the state level, for instance, the pressure to maintain high ideological form is somewhat relaxed. Hence, the seemingly non-ideological and pragmatic character of the culture of democracy at the state level and its emphasis on ‘getting the work done’. Yet, woven into these cultures of democracy are various elements. In some situations one of these becomes the key or defining element. In sharp contrast to the dominant ethos of the pre-modern values and cultures, the ideas of dignity, equality and emancipation constitute a very important element of the democratic cultures across states. These have emerged from the anti-colonial movement and the struggles against the caste system and acquired a strong Indian content. It is possible to posit that the public discourse in states like Kerala, Tamil Nadu or Maharashtra has been dominated by these concerns for the major part of the last half century. This, however, does not preclude the rise and spread of a strong populist element in the public culture – as in the case of Tamil Nadu and to some extent Maharashtra. States like Andhra Pradesh too have shown a turn towards this culture based on the key role of a semi-charismatic leadership. The third element visible in the cultural expressions of many states is based on a strong sense of community-based majoritarianism. Many states of the North East as also Jammu and Kashmir are examples of this trend; parts of UP to exemplify this trait and, more recently, Gujarat has also turned towards this majoritarian norm. Fourth, as discussed above, region and regionalism also constitute the bases of political culture and formative elements of public opinion. In fact, the impact of equality, populism and majoritarianism is filtered by the regional element. Thus, in Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, populist culture is strongly associated with the regional element while in Gujarat more recently or in Punjab historically, the rise of a majoritarian norm filtered through the regional element. In Jammu and Kashmir too, the regional and religious combine to give the state its sharp sense of ‘difference’. The key point here is that these cultural expressions and features of public opinion shape political activity and the democratic enterprise in the states more than the traditional or pre-given values and norms about the public sphere and power. Thesis four: The spread of a distinctive culture of democracy has given a regional flavour to political practice without ensuring a democratic culture, as emancipator ideas confront majoritarianism and the populist tendency faces pragmatism. 2.8    Political participation The fifth question relates to the degree, intensity and the quality of political participation at the state level. How does political participation in the electoral and the non-electoral arena at the state level compare with the national level politics? What accounts for the substantial state-wise differences on this count? To what extent does higher political participation lead to better democratic access? The democratic enterprise has successfully attracted popular participation at the state level. The emergence of the state as the principal locus of political choice has meant that electoral participation at the state level is higher than the national level. For the same reason, much of the political protest and movements are played out in the arena of state politics rather than that of national politics. Over the years, the participation has gone up both in terms of electoral turnout and in election related political activity. The extent of participation varies from state to state. On the whole, smaller states seem to have higher participation. Other states with high participation rates are those dominated by the communist parties where the party machine is employed to mobilize the people. States like Gujarat, Rajasthan and Andhra Pradesh, as also larger states like Bihar and UP record lower level of participation in elections and election related activity, but it may not be appropriate to say that they are low in terms of overall political participation and engagement. There does not appear to be a direct relationship between electoral and nonelectoral forms of political participation. On the whole, high rates of participation are indicative of an expansion of democracy. This expansion is often not accompanied by any improvement in the outcomes democratic enterprises produce, nor is there any evidence of a deepening of democracy. And yet, low system response does not discourage people from participating in politics and this helps the system in generating legitimacy for itself. Thesis five: Higher and more intense political participation at the state level has widened the base of democracy and sustained its legitimacy without enriching the quality of democratic outcomes. 2.9    Social basis of political power The sixth set of questions is about the sociology of power. Who controls political power at the state level and how? How narrow or wide, stable or unstable is the social profile of those who control political power? What are its consequences for the character of the democratic regime? One of the common expectations about democratic politics in India has been that it will erode the power and legitimacy of the traditional structure of domination in the form of caste. This was expected to happen in a democratic transition of power from the forward ‘upper’ castes to the ‘lower’ and backward castes. Overall, this process has been underway for quite some time, more visible at the state level than in national politics, but in quite dissimilar ways. In some states the transition has flown to the relatively more backward castes, while in others it slowed down after reaching the middle castes, and in yet others, the transition more or less failed to take off and the upper castes retained their power. The main story here is, of course, the rise of the middle peasant castes – either one caste or a combination of middle castes through a formidable cluster – as the main claimants of power in the democratic set up. Gujarat, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Haryana and Punjab represent this development. In states like Kerala, Tamil Nadu, and Bihar and UP, this transition has gone beyond the middle castes; while in West Bengal, Orissa, MP, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan, Himachal and Uttarakhand, the dominance of traditional upper castes has persisted. Often, states where the traditional patterns of domination persist, one witnesses relatively low levels of improvement in the quality of democracy coupled with low levels of politicization (with the exception of West Bengal). On the other hand, states where the transition has gone beyond the middle castes reveal a mixed evidence of improved quality of democratic governance. In the South where this transition has stabilized, we find improvement in the quality of governance while states that are undergoing this transition only recently, are less well-governed and unsure of the outcome of this democratic transition. Whenever a middle caste or caste cluster has emerged as a dominant political configuration, it is often associated with the rise of a political machine that ensures the electoral victory of this caste cluster as also the emergence of patronage networks through which the advantages of democratic transition are invariably routed. This development gives a semblance of stability to these regimes. Democratic politics acquires legitimacy because of the transition away from the upper castes; and yet, this same development has the potential of turning itself into a system of bondage. It arrests further spread of the democratic norm and puts a halt to democratization. The dominant middle castes become both the harbingers of democracy and the bottlenecks in the progress of democracy. Thesis six: Political regimes at the state level acquire their anchorage as well as bondage from the rise of dominant castes to power, which represents as well as halts the transfer of power to lower social orders. 2.10    Economic limits to politics The seventh question is one of political economy. How autonomous or otherwise is the democratic regime in dealing with organized economic interests? Who controls political power and for whose benefit? The autonomy of state politics is clearly not to be confused with autonomy of state power vis-à-vis dominant economic interests. If anything, the rise in the autonomy of state politics in recent times has been accompanied by a decline in their autonomy in the economic sphere. First, while states have gained political clout and bargaining capacity, this does not translate into greater economic freedom from the controls of the central government. The federal fiscal relations remain heavily loaded against the state and the Centre continues to dictate many key economic policies irrespective of the political preferences of the state government. Second, as the state governments get more power to negotiate directly with multilateral and private actors, it appears that each of them is weaker in terms of collective bargaining and more vulnerable to capital blackmail (competing offers to Tata for the Nano cars is an example). Third, lower degree of transparency and weaker mechanisms of accountability in the states also means that state level political decisions are more likely to be governed by the vested interests of the dominant classes, if not reflect a naked use of political power for plundering economic and natural resources. Fourth, the shift in many states from an alignment of political power with the interests of the big farmers to those of the industrialists and capitalists has meant a shift from an indirect to a direct intervention in political decision-making for the big farmers lacked the wherewithal to monitor and control a vast range of economic decisions. And finally, the historic coincidence of the rise in the autonomy of state politics in an era of New Economic Policy has meant that the states have to simultaneously deal with a limited range of policy options, a media climate hostile to pro-people public action, and face multipronged interventions of the various arms of global economic players. The results of all these developments are for everyone to see. Some states have had political leadership that almost openly represents the dominant economic interests (Haryana, Gujarat, Orissa, and Jharkhand); others do it less brazenly. Even big state governments have little option but to accept the logic of dominant classes for fear of losing out on investments and development (UP, Bihar); in some other states, the political elites have quietly abandoned the agrarian interests (Maharashtra, AP). In state after state, governments are openly adopting policies that restrict the choices available to the people, and bypass ordinary democratic procedures in arriving at crucial decisions about relocating or depriving large sections of the society from livelihood, often restricting their right to resist or even protest. The political terrain is no more the arena where crucial economy-related decisions are made; instead, it has been reduced to the arena of formally adopting and implementing economic policies that appear to be pre-given and without any alternative or option. If one was looking for evidence for the famous quip that governments are nothing but the executive arms of the capitalist class, many states in contemporary India would fit the bill. Thesis seven: As state politics gains greater autonomy vis-à-vis national politics and the central government, its capacity to resist corporate and other organized interests appears severely eroded, often producing regimes that act as the agents of dominant classes. 2.11    Party political competition The eighth question concerns the nature and consequence of party-political competition. How different is the emerging party system from the national system of party-political competition? Does it offer a greater and more meaningful choice to the citizens? Just as the ‘Congress system’ was a point of attraction for many observers, many today appear convinced that the rise of coalitions in itself augurs well for democracy. Therefore, much of the writing on Indian politics during the late eighties and nineties was full of expectation about the new party system. In general, however, while the format of party competition has somewhat opened up over the years, the nature of choice available is quite narrow and often narrowed down further. This is the paradox thrown up by the nineties: state after state experienced the rise of competitive politics that witnessed the entry of new occupants in the political space but this competition rarely led to new policies, programmes or institutional devices. We describe this system as a system of competitive convergence.7 Within this broader framework of convergence, we can identify four major types of party political competition in contemporary times: (i) bipolar convergence (Rajasthan, MP, Gujarat, Chhattisgarh, Delhi, HP, Uttarakhand), (ii) multiparty-bipolarity (TN, Punjab, Kerala, Maharashtra, Orissa, Bihar, Tripura), (iii) stable multi-polar convergence (AP, Karnataka, UP, Assam, Jharkhand, J&K, Manipur), and (iv) fluid multi-polarity (Arunachal, Mizoram, Haryana, West Bengal). Notwithstanding the general cynicism prevailing about political parties, the arena of party political competition has greater autonomy in determining the quality and outcome of democracy. What matters in this domain though is not so much the format of party competition which has attracted much analytical attention, but the range of substantive choices available. We hypothesize that the shrinking of the choices negates the gains made by expansion in numeric choices that emerged in the last two decades. Thesis eight: A system of competitive convergence has meant that the opening up of the format of party competition has not led to greater and more meaningful political choices for the citizen. 2.12    Peoples’ movements and struggles The ninth question takes us beyond party politics. How active and powerful are the various peoples’ movements and struggles in the state? In which ways do they affect the political agenda and the quality of democracy? The limitations of the party system of competitive convergence can be overcome by the non-party sector, especially the social and political movements. At the state level, peoples’ movements and popular struggles can be more effective, especially if the state is smaller is size. But this possibility is differentially realized, through very different channels and with strikingly different outcomes. Those states with more dense social and political movements tend to experience a more vibrant democracy, both because these movements act as a check, feedback and a resource for the political parties and also because civil society organizations draw their vibrancy from these movements (Kerala, Tamil Nadu). There are, of course, states that have witnessed social and political movements and yet await their turn to a qualitatively better democratic environment (Uttar Pradesh and Bihar) and states that once boasted of a vibrant legacy of movements and civil society but have lately lost the momentum (Maharashtra). When the principal channel of popular protest is a violent movement, it often succeeds in shaking up the established consensus (though not always, as in Punjab) and the political elite, but at a very high cost to the people, the democratic norms and the character of state power, both at the local and national level. This is borne out by examples of Jammu and Kashmir, Punjab, Nagaland, Manipur, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, and so on. In those places which have not witnessed any serious social and political movement (such as Rajasthan, Haryana, much of UP and Himachal Pradesh), politics remains insulated from societal concerns and is unable to receive societal feedback and inputs. Thesis nine: Struggles and movements seek to rupture the convergence of the political establishment but their non-political character limits their capacity to affect the political agenda. 2.13 Politics of violence Finally we need to ask a question about the emerging phenomenon of politics of violence in many forms. What is the impact of various forms and degrees of political violence in the state? How does it affect the space for democratic politics? The last quarter of a century has seen the rise of all forms of violence in public life: violence as an instrument of electoral mobilization, violence as an instrument of achieving high political objectives, secessionist violence, and so on. Much of this violence, directed at state machinery and functionaries, only results in a further brutalization of the state machinery. The standard response of the state has been to meet violence with tough military measures. This, however, does not ensure the use of state force when more or less organized mob violence is staged to target and hound minority communities. Except in cases of communal violence, the state has routinely adopted a militarist approach to terrorism and violence. This has given birth to issues of state repression in Manipur, Nagaland and parts of Assam. The response to militant violence in Punjab, and terrorist violence more recently, has also been one of flexing the repressive state apparatus. In addition to using state repressive machinery, Chhattisgarh has also witnessed the formation of a civil militia to combat collective violence. Apart from these instances of violence, there are many other areas of concern – everyday coercion in Haryana, UP or Bihar, party violence in West Bengal, and frequent recourse to vigilantism in Maharashtra. All these have a common effect: they erode the democratic space; implicitly justify the use of coercion by the state; provide justification for ‘strong’ laws and draconian powers to the police without any guarantee that governance will improve if political actors engaged in violence and coercion are put down or that civil society will be the stronger by employing strong state protection. The growing concern about security and terror has led to increased emphasis, cutting across the states, on the security apparatus to the detriment of the civil and political rights and a democratic culture. This has affected politics in the states more severely, for human rights institutions and independent media tend to be weaker at the state level. Peripheral states in the North East and Jammu and Kashmir find greater corrosion of their autonomy due to greater focus on internal security. Thesis ten: A rise in the politics of coercion and state response to it leads to a spiral of shrinking space for democratic politics. What are the likely effects of these developments in terms of expansion and deepening of democracy in India? Does the rise of the state as a serious and autonomous platform of politics strengthen or weaken the hope for advance in the direction of democratic governance? In other words, is this rise good news for democracy? By now, it has been almost two decades since this development started taking shape and we believe that it will now stabilize. Some consequences of the rise of states as an autonomous platform of politics are clearly good with the potential of steering democracy towards further expansion. Not only is the possibility of greater autonomy for the states in itself a welcome feature, it has also led to a differential party system that reflects the social context more clearly than was the case earlier. A new set of elites has been able to enter politics through the rise of regional parties, and gates have been opened up for higher participation in politics by more diverse sections than before. However, it may be too early to celebrate this development without keeping in mind the constraints within which it takes shape. In the first place, this development does not help us overcome the indifferent record of India’s democracy in making institutions function properly and effectively. Nor can it help overcome the fundamental constraint of being bound to a social context that is mired in complex grids of domination and exploitation. The emergence of the states as the central platform of politics might actually weaken the capacity of democratic politics to withstand the pressures of organized economic interests; and may open the doors wider for consolidation of the oligarchic control of dominant social groups, reducing the real political choices available to the citizen. But then, it is precisely this mixed balance sheet of possibilities and anxieties that makes the study of state politics an exciting and important enterprise. 2.14    Answer to self- check Exercise 1)    Myron Weiner in 1968 2)    Myron Weiner 2.15    Summary: Myron Weiner renowned scholar of India, South Asia, International migration, ethnic conflict , child labour, democratization, political demography, and the politics and politics of developing countries. He gave the idea of two culture in India that is Elite and Mass culture. He also analyses political parties and their nature. On the other side, Iqbal Narayan also gave prominent work for the study of Indian politics. In 1966, Iqbal Naryan suggested that a probe into the intricate labyrinth of state politics basic requirement to an intelligent, meaningful, and critical understanding of Indian politics as a whole. He assumed that an analysis of State Government and Politics: politics will yield insights into those features of the political which are common to political phenomena in general. Consequently, Indian states came to be studied increasingly as constituent a larger system or as systems of their own. 2.16    Suggested Reading Weiner, M. (1968). State Politics in India. Princeton University Press. Nanda, A. (2015). Patterns of State Politics in India. The Indian Journal of Political Science, 76 (4), 901-903. Perumal, C.A. (1987). State Politics in India: An Overview. The Indian Journal of Political Science, 48 (2), 282-290. Weiner, M. (1957). Party Politics in India Princeton University Press. 2.17    Terminal Questions •    Briefly discuss Myron Weiner and his contribution to the study of Indian politics. •    Discuss Iqbal Narayaran’s approach to study Indian Politics. •    Analyses Myron Weiner and Iqbal Narayan approach to the study of state politics in India. Chapter 3 NEED AND SIGNIFICANCE OF STATE POLITICS IN INDIA Structure 3.0    Introduction 3.1   Learning Objectives 3.2   Development of state politics in India 3.3   Determinants of state politics 3.4    Significance of state politics in India 3.4   Summary 3.6    Answer to self- check exercise 3.7    Suggested Readings 3.8    Terminal Questions 3 .0 Introduction: State politics is an important field of Indian politics. Indeed, national politics in India reflects the aggregated picture of politics in different state. State politics as a distinct area of study in India developed after several years of Independence. For more than one reason, the study of state politics in India assumes significance. Studies of Indian federalism, political or national development, administrative reforms or political behaviour are main issues to adopt the states of India as the unit of enquiry for both substantive and methodological compulsions. Also the political democracy is being shaped and nurtured significantly at the state level. Further the states in India differ markedly in respect of the spirit of their political belief structures, social mores, and interaction patterns. And at the practical level, the states of India have proved to be stabilizing fact in the evolution of the Indian polity since 1947. Every state politics has its own internal dynamics and is different from others. This difference is on the basis of population, territory, economy, topography, caste, religion, class, communities and relationships respectively. There are commonalities across the boundaries like the expansion and intensification of capitalism, social relations, administrative transparency, growth of party system and emergence of civil society. The study of state politics after independence in India was undertaken less seriously because of the dominance of one- party system at centre and their influence upon states. The states are dependent on centre because the distribution of powers and revenue was more in favour of centre. Due to the changing social structures and civic requirements the governance, decentralisation, infrastructural development have acquired prominence in last year’s. 3.1    Learning objectives: This will help students to understand the state politics in India. What are the determinants that define state politics and in India how develop state politics. 3.2    Development of state politics in India After implementation of democratic form of governance on 26 Jan 1950, state politics was influenced either by Congress party or by the Left Parties. Emergence of state politics was started in mid 70s, but in late 80s, regional identities, reservations, and emergence of local leadership contributed to the involvement of state politics in the national politics. Involvement was in form of coalition politics at the Center as well as state levels. Globalisation, assertion of multiple identities based on ethnicity, i.e., caste (dalits and backward classes), tribe, language, and the farmers movements, insurgency in North-East, Jammu and Kashmir and Punjab, and autonomy movements contributed in emergence of state parties with regional influences. The period witnessed rise of new political parties like BSP, Janata Dals, and non-political unions like Bharatiya Kisan Unions in UP and Punjam, Shetkari Sangathan in Maharashtra, Khedyut Samaj in Gujarat and Karnataka Rajya Ryatha Sangha in Karnataka. The political groups sought share in power either in states or in center. Non-political groups sought the share in the political power and favourable terms of trade for agricultural products in the market economy. The objectives of these new social and political forces were different in different states. For example, reservation was main issue in north states. New states were demanded in central and south India. Autonomy movements were started in North-East states. Greater allocation of resources from the centre to the states was demanded by nearly all states. After globalization, center was weakened and influence of states in central politics increased many folds. Since 1977 to 1998, there were several coalition governments at the center. At the beginning, globalization was opposed by states to increase their political base. Now, there is a extreme competition among states to attract Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from foreign donors. The states started entering into negotiations/contracts with foreign investors directly with consent of center. The role of political parties is normally focused on electoral mobilization, but emergence of new social forces like the dalits and OBCs has also added to the non-electoral mobilisation in the state. The proliferation of political and social forces does not allow a single force to dominate the state politics as all of them want a share in political power. Weakening of center, regional parties became able to exercise their influence through pre and post election alliances, and fronts and partners in the coalition governments. Insurgency and related issues occupy a central place in the politics of several states. These are also related to the self-determination movements. These developments not only impact politics of respective states but also have serious repercussion on national politics of the country. The problems of insurgency are related to the issues of development, interethnic relations and autonomy. While insurgency is directed against the nation-state, in several instances it gives birth to the ethnic riots and conflict among the ethnic groups. While the rise of the state leaders and parties challenged the dominant party system, insurgency movements question the homogenising nation-building approach of the centre in support of federation-building approach. In some states insurgency has been a byproduct of autonomy movements and sometime new parties are emerged from insurgency in North East states. Self- Check Exercise 1)    Is constitution can be determinants of state politics? 2)    Is state politics in agent for political socialisation? 3.3    Determinants of States politics Historically determinants: in the ancient, medieval and modern times, the political consciousness, behaviour and values of different areas of the country and the process of participating in it were different, at some places there was absolute monarchy, at some places it was a republic, at some places it was democracy. In the Middle Ages, even during the Muslim rulers and British rule, the ideological values and social conditions of different areas were different from economic, political and social point of view. After independence, all the regions of the country were included in one national state and uniformity was provided to it, states were formed on the basis of administrative convenience and efforts were made to remove regional disparities. But it was not possible to remove the diversity that had been going on for centuries, this diversity makes the geographical division more strong, hence the historical background has been the determinant of state politics. Geographical determinants: India's diversity is reflected in its geographical location, population and other aspects. People of North and South India are different from each other in terms of language, culture and appearance. Geographically, North- East India has also been different from cultural, literary and political changes; on the other hand there are also states with huge population. Due to geographical diversity, the diversity in the geographical location of various states affects the economic condition of that state and indirectly the political situation. Constitutional determinants: Constitutional elements, the type of federal governance provided by the Constitution, in which the central government has a higher position than the states and has control over the states, hence state politics remains influenced by the central government. The Constitution has given the Center a strong role in various fields on the basis of which state politics can be influenced. Due to the strong position of the Centre, the role of state politics becomes clear in many issues related to the states like imposition of President's rule in the states, establishment of inquiry commission against the Chief Minister and other ministers, appointment of Governor in the states etc. Legislative, administrative and financial relations between the Center and the States are determined by the provisions of the Constitution that determine the form of the Indian federal structure, in addition to other provisions such as special status for the state of Jammu and Kashmir under Article 370, special status for some other states. provision of freedom. Economic Determinants: Economic factor is import to understand the base or resources of the states. The politics of the state has been affected by the difference in economic elements. Politics of economically prosperous states can develop in a free and healthy manner. Political determinants: the most important element influencing the politics of the states are political tendencies, these political elements include the different party system of various states, the position of the ruling political parties at the Center and the states, the personality of the Prime Minister and Chief Ministers and the central leadership. Social -cultural: The social and cultural profile of the state also impact politics of that state. Bureaucracy as a determinant: The bureaucracy of the state is good and perform well work for people, the issue related common masses decreases. But if bureaucracy is flexible than their will gape then obviously raise demands, their issues. 3.4    Significance of state politics Federal Framework: State politics intimate denotation and connotation as well particularly, within federal system where state operate as units of the nation, though not as independent and truly autonomous political entities. The creation of federal structure implies the existence of territorial, cultural, linguistic, religions and socio-economic differences among the people of a nation, which make the state differ greatly in the degree of which they fit this pattern. Decentralisation: Having state governments helps in the decentralisation of power, ensuring that decision making authority is not concentrated solely at the central level. This allows for a more balanced distribution of power and decision making, fostering democratic principle and local autonomy. Diverse profile of state and segmental politics: The Indian states differ according their geography, socio- cultural and economic profiles. India is a segmented polity. Happening in one stat do not affect another state. Variation in internal political pattern: state have an independent identity to their own. The variation of state is not only about their geographical extension but the socio composition (caste and Class), the cultural ethos (norms and values) are also diverse. The state in India differs in terms of population, size, financial, resources and levels of economic development. In India, the state government is the real governments in the context of public welfare. The central government’s role in development, administration is primarily that of leadership, consultation and advice. The responsibility for the implementation of programmes rests mainly on states. Agent of political socialisation: In the case of political socialisation, the most significant agents include, but are not limited to families, media, education and peers. Other agents include region, the state and community, political parties. These agents shape your understanding of politics by exposing you to political ideas, values and behaviours. 3.5    Summary Every state politics has its own internal dynamics and is different from others. This difference is on the basis of population, territory, economy, topography, caste, religion, class, communities and relationships respectively. There are commonalities across the boundaries like the expansion and intensification of capitalism, social relations, administrative transparency, growth of party system and emergence of civil society. The study of state politics after independence in India was undertaken less seriously because of the dominance of one party system at centre and their influence upon states. The states are dependent on centre because the distribution of powers and revenue was more in favour of centre. We can see dynamics of state politics in India from 1947 to present. 3.6    Answer to self-check exercise 1)    Yes. The Constitution has given the Center a strong role in various fields on the basis of which state politics can be influenced. Due to the strong position of the Centre, the role of state politics becomes clear in many issues related to the states like imposition of President's rule in the states, establishment of inquiry commission against the Chief Minister and other ministers, appointment of Governor in the states etc. Legislative, administrative and financial relations between the Center and the States are determined by the provisions of the Constitution that determine the form of the Indian federal structure, in addition to other provisions such as special status for the state of Jammu and Kashmir under Article 370, special status for some other states. provision of freedom. 2)    In the case of political socialisation, the most significant agents include, but are not limited to families, media, education and peers. Other agents include region, the state and community. These agents shape your understanding of politics by exposing you to political ideas, values and behaviours. 3.7 . Suggested Readings •    Weiner, M. (1968). State Politics in India. Princeton University Press. •    Nanda, A. (2015). Patterns of State Politics in India. The Indian Journal of Political Science, 76 (4), 901-903. •    Perumal, C.A. (1987). State Politics in India: An Overview. The Indian Journal of Political Science, 48 (2), 282-290. •    Weiner, M. (1957). Party Politics in India Princeton University Press. 3.8    Terminal Questions •    What do you mean by State politics? What are the determinants of state politics? •    Why we need state politics? How state politics is determined? •    What is the significance of the state politics in India? UNIT -II CHAPTER 4 DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT IN HIMACHAL PRADESH WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO PRAJA MANDAL Structure 4 .0 Introduction 4.1    Learning Objectives 4.2    Democratic Movement for attaining separate State Himachal Pradesh 4.3    Democratic Movement with special reference to Praja Mandal in Himachal Pradesh 4.4    Summary 4.5    Answer to self-check Exercise 4.6    Suggested Readings 4.7    Terminal Questions 4.0 Introduction It is conspicuous that right from the history to present time Himachal Pradesh have seen many ups and downs to reach at the present status of full-fledged Statehood. Initially, Himachal Pradesh was formed by the joining or combination of the four districts namely, Mandi, Chamba, Sirmaur and Mahasu. Later on, there were added some more regions of the hilly areas of Punjab state into the Himachal Pradesh which were the adjoining areas of Himachal got merged with it in 1966. This all happened through the State Reorganization Act 1965 or 66. During that point of time, Himachal Pradesh became larger state than the Punjab in order to size. If readers or researchers try to look in the History of Himachal That how this state has got evolved to the present state. For this, there is the struggle of people of Himachal during the early phase of 20th century AD when people of the region were fighting for their own democratic rights as people were wrestling over the other part of India. During the 1930s there is an interesting fact that the people of Himachal were not wrangling with the Britishers only even they were contesting for their rights with the local rulers and their ministers of the different states of this region also. Ahead, the Praja Mandal have played very major role in generating the nationalist ferment among the people of Himachal, through this movement, the people of various regions got organized into a Himachal Pradesh on 15th April, 1948 as a Chief Commissioner Province. After 1950s Himachal Pradesh have struggled a lot for keeping alive its own separate existence. Because, this region was suffering from not getting stable status due to the its small size during the initial period. In 1953 there was established a three members State Reorganization Commission in which the retired Chief Justice Fazal Ali, was appointed as its chairman; its other members were H. N. Kunzru and K. M. Panikar. It submitted its report in 1956, in which Himachal Pradesh was made a union territory. Before this report there were arguments that Himachal Pradesh has to be merged with the Vishal Punjab. But after the report of Kunzru he made argument that this region secures a distinct cultural features or characteristics so, that’s why; this area must have given the right of sustaining its own distinct identity. Thus, in 1956 there was formed a regional council after dissolving the legislative assembly and Karam Singh Thakur from Mandi was made the head of this regional council. Where after regional council assisted to the governor of the union territory. Further, in 1963 the regional council being altered into legislative assembly which ahead maintain the governance of the union territory. Thus, on 25th January, 1971, Himachal Pradesh became the full-fledged state after the tireless efforts of the leaders and the people of Himachal Pradesh and Y. S. Parmar became the first Chief Minister of the full-fledged state. 4.1    Learning Objectives: This will help students to understand the history of Himachal Pradesh. They are also able to understand the various movement in the formation of the state. 4.2    Democratic Movement for attaining separate State Himachal Pradesh The people of Himachal Pradesh always have agitated or opposed the foreign rule over native soil of the region. History has witnessed that the king of Kangra Vidhi Chand had established a confederation of Pahari rulers to oppose the supremacy of Mughal Emperor Akbar in 1588-89 AD and in 1594-95 AD revolted against the Mughal Sultanate. The Raja of Nurpur, his son Raja Jagat Singh, and grandson Rajroop Singh have revolted against the supremacy of Mughal Emperor Akbar, Jahangeer, and Shahjahan. Besides this, there was another reason that due to the increasing influence of Guru Govind Singh and fear of losing authority by the ruler of princely states had been organized. In the war of Gorkha in 1814-15 the rulers of princely states and people by collaborating, they have overthrown the Gorkha troops from their own land respectively. In 1848 AD the son of last Prime Minister (Bajeer) of Nurpur Ram Singh Pathania had concluded the treaty with the rulers of Kangra region for establishing military in order to oppose the British rulers. Although, he got deceived by one of his own friends and had been sent from out of the country but he was the stern adversary of the foreign reign. The roar of first war of independence in 1857 reached across the Hills of Himalaya. The ruler of Rampur-Busher Shamsher had refused from paying tribute and other assistance to the British rulers outrightly. For doing war against the British rulers, Pratap Singh and Veer Singh of the Kullu region had been concluded death-sentence by the British rule and some other people had been sentenced in jail. Likewise, in the 1857 AD a unit of British army, in which mainly Rajput and Gorkha warrior were part of, had revolted against British officials at Jatog Cantonment in Shimla, in which posted Subedar Bhim Singh in Kasauli military unit became part of. Later on, he had concluded death sentence. But he escaped to Rampur, when British became known that the revolt got unsuccessful then he committed suicide. Thus, the rulers of princely state and people keep on revolting against the cruel suppression of Britishers over them. And these movements and incidents have germinated the feeling of nationalism among the people of hilly states. The British official A. O. Hume got the idea of organization of Indian National Congress during the time of staying at Shimla. And in 1885 AD he went to Mumbai from Shimla for participating in the first session of Indian National Congress. The people of hilly region keep on opposing the suppression, exploitation and feudatory of the rulers time to time. In 1859 AD the people of Rampur-Busher exhibited their opposition against the forced labour to the government officials. In 1862 AD and 1876 AD people revolted against the ruler of Suket and his ministers. In 1876 AD the people of Nalagar have made their voice strong against the atrocities of the minister of this state Gulam Kadeer Khan. In 1883 and 1930 the people of Bilaspur princely state have protested or revolted against the injustice and exploitation by the Raja and his officials of this state. And in 1905 the people of Baghal princely state also have agitated and revolted against the Raja. Similarly, in Mandi princely state in 1909, Shobha Ram has directly proceeded military actions in counter to ruler and officials’ corrupt deeds. And finally, ruler had nabbed Shobha Ram with the help of British military and sent him to Andaman Nicobar jail, and 23 other people have prisoned sentence of 7 to 14 years. Shobha Ram and his ministers sought to maintain or establish the rule of people. In 1914-15 under the garb of Gadar Party there was concocted for establishing the control over the reign of Mandi and Suket princely states of killing the Rulers of Mandi and Suket. But the revolutionary failed in their plans and later on several revolutionaries had been prisoned for too long. After the formation of Indian National Congress, the impact of it occurred on princely states too. During the years of 1920-23 the movement of Congress was quite active. Many people of Kangra region who were working in the British government were influenced by the Congress’ movement; they also have organized their own Congress unit in their villages, convened sessions and conducted movements too. In 1927 during the conference in Tal of Sujanpur, the police have committed cruel atrocities on public. In which additional famous leader Baba Kanshi Ram who has to be called Pahari Gandhi, not even has been beaten up besides, his cap has been snatched. Consequently, from thereon Kanshi Ram decided to bear black cloths until we do achieve independence. With the leaders’ atrocities had been committed and had been sent for long prisoning. In 1930 AD, there was conducted ‘Bandovst Movement’ in Bilaspur, ahead in the result of this movement several leaders have been jailed and the people of village who had taken the part in movement had been imposed 25000 rupees’ punishment. Thus, it is evident that during this period the people of hilly states not only struggled with the British rulers even wrestled with the local rajas and their ministers also. Self-Check Exercise 1)    Who was the chairman of All India State People Conference in 1939 AD, when the police opened fire at a crowd of protesters in Dhami state? 2)    In which year Himalayan State Regional council was organized? 3)    Who lead the Suket Satyagraha (18 February 19480)? 4.3    Democratic Movement with special reference to Praja Mandal in Himachal Pradesh In 1932 AD, there had been held All India Static People’s Conference in Ludhiana. In which there has been decided that in the princely states ‘Praja Mandal’ will be formed. As a consequence of this decision, in the Mandi, Chamba, Bilaspur, Busher, Jubbal and in other small princely states small Praja Mandals were formed. On 13 July, 1939, there happened the conference of princely states in Shimla region. In which the Rana of Dhami princely state had been cautioned about the suppressing or crushing up of the Mass movements which the people of princely state were running and demanded people’s participation in the governance. When the Rana did not follow positive gesture and then on 16th July, 1939 the Satyagrahis of Praja mandal marched towards Dhami. Where Satyagrahis were stopped by the police force and taken into custody and taken to Dhami. When the public saw that the satyagrahis being taken into custody then they started moving towards the Rana’s palace and shouted slogans against the ruler. Rana got scared of the situation and ordered to open fire in which many people were injured and two of them died. It was the first such incident in the hilly region which caught the attention of national leadership. After this, praja mandal movement became more intense in the hill states. Himalayan Riyasti Praja Mandal was formed in December, 1939 to coordinate praja mandal activities. Which was formed for the responsibilities to conduct the various activities in the hill states. After this, there was launched a significant movement ‘Bhai Do Na Pai Do’. The objective of this movement was neither had to sent the youth for British military and neither had to give money for the war to the Britishers. It was a kind of ‘Civil Disobedience’ movement in which Praja Mandal workers were put into jail. In Sirmaur district there started Praja Mandal movement under the leadership of Chaudhari Sher Jang, Dr. Devinder Singh and Shivananda Ramaul. In 1941 AD Dr. Yashwant Singh Parmar he was the session judge, he resigned from the post due to differences with the Raja and consequently, was expelled from the state. While living in Delhi in the midst of progress, established the Sirmaur Sangh so that he could inspire the people of Sirmaur to fight for their rights. Although the people of Sirmaur state had been in power for a long time, their anger against the government reached its peak when the Rana and officials of Sirmaur starting coercing the youth and collecting money to help the British government in the Second world war. Under the circumstances, the people of Pajhauta area formed ‘Kisan Sabha’ and Kisan Sabha started Satyagraha and noncooperation movement for the security or protection of people. People wanted that the king listen their problems by coming to them. But when the King refused for doing so, then the agitators started their own parallel government. Such kind of effort had been suppressed by the government and the protest leaders Mian Chunchu, Vaidya Surat Singh, Basti Ram Pahadia and Chet Ram Verma were detained. On this, the people revolted and kept fighting the state forces for two months but ultimately, they had to surrender their arms and 50 people were given life imprisonment. Praja Mandal also decided to launch a movement to establish popular governance in Chamba and decided to run the movement for decentralizing the powers concentrated in the hands of the ruling class. With the time movement intensified and many agitators were detained. The personal verification conducted by Gandhi ji also had an impact on the Congress people of Kangra region and also participated in this Satyagraha. People of Kangra region also participated in the Quit India Movement of 1942. In 1945 ‘Busher Praja Mandal’ was formed which was led by Pandit Padam Dev from Shimla and Satya Dev Busheri and Pandit Ghanshyam and others from within the state. After some time, Thakur Sen also started taking part in the activities of the Praja Mandal. To coordinate the activities of agitating Praja Mandal in various areas, ‘Himalayan Hill States Regional Council’ was established whose headquarter was Shimla. This council included famous leaders like Pandit Padam Dev, Satya Dev Bushehri, Shivananda Ramaul, Purana Nanda, Dr. Yashwant Singh Parmar, Daulat Ram Sankhyan, Mansa Ram etc. Whose aim was to establish Himachal Pradesh as a separate state. The people of hill states put immense pressure on the Kings to establish responsible governance, as a result of which the rulers had to respect the wishes of the people. Thakur of Kunihar supported the movement and gave place to people in the administration, which had the impact on the other princely states. In relations to this, in Jubal there was established responsible government in which Bhagmal Sohtha being made the Chief Minister. In the Koti princely state also, the formation of the Legislative Assembly was exploited by Rana. On 15th, August 1947, the Thakur of Theog princely state decided to establish the responsible government in the state and formed the Council of Ministers. But later the King tried to over-through the government and after five months took control of the treasury and administration. With the intervention of Sardar Patel, armed police were sent to Theog and Thakur was detained. Theog princely state being merged with the union of India ahead of the formation of Himachal Pradesh. In Bushehar also there was conducted Satyagraha by the Praja Mandal under the leadership of Satya Dev Bushehari, in which initially, agitators were put into the jail. But ultimately the demand of representative government had to be accepted and in Oct. 1947, there was held elections, Praja Mandal workers under the leadership of Satya Dev Bushehari won. When India became independent on August 15, 1947 and the princely states started merging into the Indian union. The idea was put forward to form a state by merging the princely states of hill region of the eastern Punjab. Which had not only protested the people of region even denounced the rulers of this areas too. It was argued that the language, culture, traditions, and dress of the hilly region are all different from the people of the plain region of Punjab. To prepare a strategy for the future, a meeting of the rulers of the hill states of Shimla region was held in Delhi in January, 1948 in which it was decided to form “Shimla Hill States Union”. After the elections, it was also decided to call a convention in Solan on January 26, 1948. A conference of rulers and representatives of the people was organized in Solan from January 26-28, 1948 under the chairmanship of Raja Durga Singh of Baghat. In this meeting, it was decided to choose the Union of States. To negotiate with all other parties, a committee was formed with Raja Durga Singh as its chairman and Thakur Sen Negi as its vice-chairman. This committee had eight members who were appointed by the Home Ministry and the task of establishing contacts with other princely states was also entrusted. In the public meeting held in Solan, Raja Durga Singh announced the formation of Himachal Pradesh made it clear that Himachal Pradesh would be an integral part of India with equal rights and facilities for all citizens. It was also decided to inform the Government of India that a unit called Himachal Pradesh has been formed with effect from 1st March, 1948. A section of Parja Mandal leaders disagreed with the idea of formation of the union of Himachal Pradesh and Pandit Padam Dev and Dr. Yashwant Singh Parmar were against this formation. On January 26, 1948, ‘All India States People’s Conference’ was organized in Shimla in which Dr. Parmar clearly said that the organization of Himachal Pradesh would be acceptable only if all the powers were given to the people. And the existence of princely states should be abolished and an organized province should be established. But these demands were not acceptable to the rulers of the princely states and Dr. Parmar and Pandit Padam Dev make aware Sardar Patel from the concoction of the rulers. A section of the Praja Mandal leaders started to create pressure for merging the princely states into union of India. The Himalayan Province Provisional Government was also established in Shimla and on February 16, 1948, the Raja of Suket was given 48 hours to merge the princely state. When no reply was received from the King, on February 18, 1948, a group of 1000 Satyagrahis of Praja Mandal under the leadership of Pandit Padam Dev entered Suket state. People also joined this movement and the police and administration also did not oppose the Satyagrahis. The ruler had to surrender and the reins of state administration passed into the hands of the Government of India. Meanwhile, when the member of the negotiation committee of the Constitution Making Organization came to know that a meeting of the rulers of the Shimla hill princely states had been invited on March 2, 1948 in Delhi to introduce about the constitutional changes taking place in these princely states. And then they had sent a memorandum to the Sardar Patel in which it was requested to listen or know the views of the people because it was the people who were getting suffered the most by the change. The Ministry of Home or State organized a meeting of the rulers of the hill states on March 2, 1948, in which the rulers already submitted their complete plan for unification on the basis of the Saurashtra Model to the Secretary of the Ministry. Secretary of the Ministry, V. P. Menon, suggested that all the princely states should be organized into a single unit and the Government of India should administer the administration through a Chief Commissioner. The rulers accepted this suggestion and it was also accepted that the new province should be named a s Himachal Pradesh. Although, the Himalayan Hill States Regional Council suggested the name ‘Himalayan Province’ in place of Himachal, the name new centrally governed unit was accepted as Himachal Pradesh. For this purpose, a compromise proposal was prepared on March 8, 1948 and all the rulers signed it. Although, the then Chief Minister of East Punjab, Dr. Gopi Chand Bhargava and Governor Sir Chandu Lal Trivedi urged Prime Minister Nehru and Home Minister Sardar Patel from Shimla office to merge the Punjab hill state with East Punjab, but both of them accepted the separate existence of Himachal Pradesh. The decision to constitute Himachal Pradesh as a separate province was considered appropriate. In this way, through the events of mass movements conducted at different levels, finally on April 15, 1948, by the merger of 30 princely states, a separate state named Himachal Pradesh was formed. Although, due to the construction of Bhakhra Dam, Bilaspur was established as a separate Chief Commissioner’s Province by signing the Bilaspur Raja on August 15, 1948. Ahead on July 1, 1954, Bilaspur was merged into Himachal Pradesh as its fifth district. Thus, after a long journey full of struggle, Himachal Pradesh came into existence as a province on April 15, 1948, whose administration was run by the Central Government through the Chief Commissioner. 4.4    Summary Himachal Pradesh a state which kept on struggling for its existence before its formation as a province to the full-fledged statehood. For its present embodiment there are several organizations and bodies which had been formed by the people of Himachal Pradesh prior to the 1948. In which we found the most significant role of Praja Mandal. Praja Mandal was the organization which was formed across the Himachal Pradesh about whom this idea was conceived. This organization fought with the Rajas of different princely states for democratic rights and the formation of responsible government. Likewise, Praja Mandal protested British powers also. This made the way for the responsible governance and the separate existence as a hilly state. Which had received its birth as a Chief Commissioner Province in 1948, and on January 25, 1971 acquired full-fledged status as a 18th State of Indian Union. 4.5    Answer to self-check Exercise 1)    Jawahar Lal Nehru 2)    1946 A.D. 3)    Pandit Padam Dev 4.6    Suggested Readings Puri, K. K. & Sharma, L. N. (….). Political Science: Society, Economy & Politics in Himachal Pradesh. Bharat Prakashan, Jalandhar. Verma, V. (2013). Himachal Pradesh: Now and Then. B. R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi. Verma, V. (2019). Himachal Pradesh: Polity and Democracy Miscellany of Historical Essays. B. R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi. Balokhra, J. M. (2007). Himachal Pradesh: A Complete Book on Himachal Pradesh. H. G. Publications, New Delhi. Entrance Series, A. (2021). Himachal Darpan Samanya Gyan: Latest Annual Budget and Economic Survey. Akash Publishing House, New Delhi. Jokta, S.& Kumar, V. (2020). Himachal G. K.: For all Exams in Himachal Pradesh. Jokta Academy, Chandigarh. Sharma, R. (….). Himachal Pradesh General Knowledge: A Concise Description of Himachal Pradesh Polity, Economy, Geography, History, Culture, Forestry, Flora & Fauna etc. Elite Study. 4.7    Terminal Questions 1.    Describe various regional movements in Himachal Pradesh. 2.    Discuss Dhami Firing incident and Suket Satyagraha in Himachal Pradesh. 3.    What is Praja Mandal? Describe role of Praja Mandal in Pahadi hill. UNIT-II Chapter 5 EMERGENCE OF HIMACHAL PRADESH: PART C STATE TO FULL FLEDGED STATE Structure 5.0 Introduction 5.1    Learning Objectives 5.2    Emergence of Himachal Pradesh 5.3   The Status of Part ‘C’ State 5.4   The Full-Fledged State 5.5    Summary 5.6    Answer to self-check exercise 5.7    Suggested Readings 5.8    Terminal Questions 5.0 Introduction Himachal Pradesh adequately called “Dev Bhumi” by the ancients, lies at the heart of Western Himalaya. Its land is as bewitching as are its people colourful. The real beauty of the land however lies in its multi-hued flowers, its pine-scented forests, in rivers with crystal clear water, distant views of the snow peaks and, above all-in its colourful humanity. Its composite cultures justly command deep interest and fulsome admiration, being a unique blend of various strains, such as have left footprints of the Aryan civilization and those which flowed from the seventh century onwards from the North and North-East. Economically starting from scratch, the state has crossed innumerable hurdles on the road to progress and prosperity and presently it can justly boast of standing out amongst leading progressive states, all because of its high level of development in almost every field of activity. 5.1    Learning objectives: This will help the students to understand systematically the history of Himachal Pradesh from Part -C state to full statehood. 5.2    Emergence of Himachal Pradesh History at times lends itself to various versions. The riddles in throws up very often remain hazy, wrapped in thick layers of misconceptions and ignorance. And ironically it is the tragedy of history. Facts become confused and juggled the way they have been with regard to the birth of an altogether new state though under the same name and style as a sequel to the unity of two Parts ‘C’ State of Himachal Pradesh and Bilaspur. The history of Himachal Pradesh opens on the 15th of April, 1948 is a matter of common knowledge. It was initially created a Centrally Administered Province is not as widely known. Its elevation as one of the part ‘C’ States under the Constitution of India in January, 1951 is a much lesser-known fact: in common perception the date is, March, 1952, the day, the very first popular ministry took oath of office. Fewer still are aware that with the amalgam of Himachal Pradesh and Bilaspur, an altogether new unit of the union of India had come into being. Ensconced as if wrapped in a cocoon within the comforting embrace of the neighbouring sister hill states of Mandi, Suket, Baghat, Handoor and a couple of petty Simla hill states in the north and east and the British territories of district Kangra and Hoshiarpur in the south and west, Bilaspur or Kahlur, formed an integral and inseparable part of the surrounding mountain country, which following accession and subsequent merger of the Punjab and Shimla hill states gave birth to Himachal Pradesh. Historically, geographically, culturally, economically, politically-look at it in any conceivable way you choose-Bilaspur was no different. The sole distinguishing feature, however, was its ‘sharp-witted and spirited’ Raja Anand Chand. He unlike other hill Rajas, a few wielding much greater influence at the British durbar and ruling over vaster with. He could neither be cajoled nor bullied into signing on the dotted line. No wonder Bilaspur succeeded in carving out a distinct political space and identity for itself, separate and apart from Himachal Pradesh. The case for separate existence, the Raja had founded on two main pillars: one that ‘overwhelming majority of its people were opposed to the merger with Himachal Pradesh’ and secondly and more importantly that ‘the interest of Bhakhra-Nangal Project would be jeopardized unless the administration was directly taken over by the Central Government’. Actually V. P. Menon “the State would have been merged in Himachal Pradesh but for one consideration: there was the gigantic multi-purpose Bhakhra Dam Project”. Another compelling reason responsible for the decision was the political circumstances to cap the pressure for its merger with East Punjab mounted by Dr. Gopi Chand Bhargava and subsequently by Bhim Sen Sachar, his successor, Chief Minister of Punjab. Notwithstanding the pressure brought to bear upon Sardar Patel, the administration of Bilaspur was finally taken over by the Government of India as a Chief Commissioner’s province with Anand Chand installed as the head. The Raja had soon to relinquish the Chief Commissionership and with him no longer occupying centre stage of opposing forces, the Government of India, in 1953, felt easy to consummate the union and pilot the Himachal Pradesh and Bilaspur (New State) Bill through the Parliament. President of India accorded assent on 28. 50. 1954 and the Central Government notified its enforcement from the 1st of July that year. As against a duly elected and functioning Legislative Assembly in Himachal Pradesh there was no corresponding body in existence in Bilaspur when a new Part ‘C’ State to be known as the State of Himachal Pradesh was formed by uniting the two States of Himachal Pradesh and Bilaspur (C: the Himachal Pradesh and Bilaspur (New State) Act (1954) hereinafter referred to as the ‘New State Act’). 5.3    The Status of Part ‘C’ State When the Indian Constitution came into force on January 26, 1950, Himachal Pradesh became a Part ‘C’ State, with legislative powers delegated to the Central Government. In order to meet legal formalities, the Parliament of India enacted the Government of Part ‘C’ States Act 1951 in order to base the relationship on a solid legal foundation. Though severely handicapped it nonetheless constituted a landmark in the progress of democracy. It was, so to say, a political experiment calculated to meet, in some measure, the popular demand for responsible government. Its immediate objective, though, appeared to impart training in political leadership in the art of self-government preliminary to progressive realization of responsible government. No sooner election results of first General Elections were notified, the Himachal Pradesh Assembly was duly constituted and the very first elected Part ‘C’ government took office. The first session of the newly constituted House was held on the 24th March. 1952, and on the same day the three members’ Council of Ministers headed by Dr. Y. S. Parmar assumed office. Broadly speaking though the above enabling Act ex-facie was not dissimilar to the constitution of a Part ‘A’ or Part ‘B’ State, the powers given both to the executive and the legislative were limited and restrained. Both the Lt. Governor and the Council of Ministers were placed under the overall control of the President of India. The reforms under the Government of Part ‘C’ Act, 1951, thus may be said to constitute a half-way house between enlightened autocracy and responsible self-government. The aspirations aroused by the commitment of the Central Government to grant responsible government is successive stages sustained interest and the people hoped that the stage of ‘partial responsible government’ would automatically lead to ‘complete responsible government’ in due course. This hope was, however, belied when Himachal Pradesh suffered a set-back in its status. On the recommendation of the States’ Re-organization Commission the State stood down-graded to a Centrally administered territory (on the 1st November 1956). The Commission had inter-alia gone into the question of providing appropriate political set-up for the centrally administered territories. ‘Democracy in these areas’, the Commission suggested, ‘should take the form of the people being associated with the administration in advisory bodies suitable to their requirements’, with representation given only in the Union legislature. Following this, on 15 August 1957, the Territorial Council was inaugurated. Composed of 41 members chosen by direct election on the basis of adult suffrage from 29 territorial constituencies – twelve plural members-each electing two, one scheduled Caste and the other a general candidate- the Himachal Pradesh Territorial Council in addition had two members nominated by the Central government. As a democratic institution, the powers with the Council were close to negligibility was enormous. This novel experiment has often been likened to dyarchy which appeared on the Indian constitutional firmament as the Montague Chelmsford Reforms of 1919. The word ‘dyarchy’ literally means ‘government by two rulers. In its form introduced in Himachal Pradesh, the Territorial Council suffered from all the ills the system was heir to. Despite appurtenances of an elected body the Council had no real authority. In fact, it was step-back especially in the context of democratic system in free India. It appears to be based on a lack of trust in the capacity of the popularly elected members to manage their own affairs. The various drawbacks of the Territorial Council need not concern us at this stage. What is important to note is that the withdrawal of the legislature and the Council of Ministers would not easily stand to reason. The Council, in every respect, fell far below the expectations of the people. Despite its shortcoming. Those elected, set out sincerely to work the system. ‘Not even our worst critics can assert that we did not do our best to work it within the framework of its scheme’ earnestly claimed Satya Vati Dang, the provincial Congress President, and one of the nominated members. For the next few years there was hectic behind-the-scene political manoeuvring? The division of powers within the Government apparatus was a less than successful experiment and Himachal’s political leadership was pressing for a return to a responsible, democratic government. Finally, on 1 July, 1963 a three-member ministry under the Chief Minister ship of Dr. Y. S. Parmar took the oath of office and secrecy. Even then, the Act of 1963 under which ministry was formed, was badly hampered by numerous limitations. Not to speak of matters of policy, the Government did not have free hand even in small and routine matters of governance, such as, financial sanctions, appointments, regulating terms and conditions of services, and so on and so forth. The ‘special responsibilities’ of the Lt. Governor, left very little scope for the exercise of executive power by the popular ministers. None-the-less the old thread of parliamentary democracy was again picked u which had been snapped in the year 1956. Perhaps no other State of India has suffered as many territorial and political changes in recent times as Punjab. In the partition of the Country, it was left with comparatively backward areas. PEPSU, a political unit comprising of Punjab’s princely states, merged into Punjab as a sequel to the Re-organization of States in 1956. Exactly ten years later, Punjab was once again vivisected, this time on linguistic grounds, into Punjabi speaking State of Punjab and the Hindi speaking State of Haryana. In its report, the Punjab Boundary Commission recommended the merger of three districts of Shimla, Kullu, Kangra, Lahaul & Spiti, and certain other areas of Punjab with Himachal Pradesh. The Punjab Re-organization Act, 1966, gave birth to Haryana and transferred to Himachal Pradesh the recommended territories. With the integration of the hilly areas of the erstwhile Punjab State, Himachal Pradesh not only increased its areas from 28, 192 square kilometres to 56, 320 square kilometres and population from 13, 15, 144 (1961) to 34, 24, 232, but also added significantly to its resources. ‘Democracy like peace is indivisible and any composite areas of the Country having more or less similar dimensions cannot be treated invidiously in matter of government and franchise’, wrote Dr. Parmar in an article which appeared in The Tribune of 26 January, 1968. In it he expounded at some length how his government found its hand tied and how e economic compulsions warranted immediate elevation of the Pradesh. Support came from all quarters and the Pradesh’s representatives in the Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha were as serious and enthusiastic as the local leadership. Credit goes to their ingenuity and resoluteness that the issue, in one form or the other, kept cropping up in Parliament from time to time. Self- check Exercise 1)    In 1946, who first asked for the creation of hill state? 2)    When Himachal Pradesh came into existence? 5.4    The Full-Fledged State Thirty-first July 1970 proved to be Himachal’s lucky day when Indira Gandhi, the then Prime Minister, made the long-awaited announcement of the Government’s decision ‘to give Statehood to Himachal Pradesh’. It had an electrifying effect and the people’s joy knew no bounds. A Bill was introduced to provide for the establishment of State of Himachal Pradesh in the Lok Sabha soon after the twelfth session had opened. It was one of those few Bills which received universal support. The peaceful way the people of Himachal Pradesh had achieved their objective in a most democratic and constitutional manner received accolade from the whole House. In the Rajya Sabha too it had equally calm passage. On being presented, the President was pleased to accord his assent on 25 December, 1970 and the Central Government notified 25 January 1971, as ‘the appointed day’ for inauguration. The Full-Fledged State thus came into being nearly twenty-two years after birth in 1948. The first person to be sworn in on the morning of 25 January 1971, was the first Governor of the State, Sri S. Chakravarti. The oath was administered by the Chief Justice, Mirza Hamidullah Beg in a simple and solemn ceremony held in Raj Bhawan. In the afternoon Dr. Y. S. Parmar, who had been appointed Chief Minister, was administered the oath of the office and secrecy on the Ridge maidan in the presence of Shrimati Indira Gandhi soon after she had inaugurated the new State. 5.5    Summary The present appearance of Himachal Pradesh as a Statehood is the result of tireless efforts of by the leaders of Praja Mandal and the successive leaders who have contributed a lot to bring the Dev Bhumi Himachal Pradesh into being as a State of union of states that is Republic of India. This Pradesh has gone through various ups and downs to reach the top rankings in different fields of eminence like, today Himachal Pradesh has to be considered as a model State to follow by other States. In light if this, in education sector, hydro-power, tourism, apple-production and in pharmaceutical-industry state is catching the attention from world over. With this, state is aspiring to be the number-one in various credit creation domains for instance, present time CM, Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu keep on saying that until 2027, Himachal Pradesh will be the developed and number-one state in tourism sector in India. 5.6    Answer to self-check exercise 1)    Thakur Hazara Singh 2)    15 April, 1948 5.7    Suggested Readings Verma, V. (2013). Himachal Pradesh: Now and Then. B. R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi. Verma, V. (2019). Himachal Pradesh: Polity and Democracy Miscellany of Historical Essays. B. R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi. Balokhra, J. M. (2007). Himachal Pradesh: A Complete Book on Himachal Pradesh. H. G. Publications, New Delhi. Entrance Series, A. (2021). Himachal Darpan Samanya Gyan: Latest Annual Budget and Economic Survey. Akash Publishing House, New Delhi. Jokta, S.& Kumar, V. (2020). Himachal G. K.: For all Exams in Himachal Pradesh. Jokta Academy, Chandigarh. Sharma, R. (….). Himachal Pradesh General Knowledge: A Concise Description of Himachal Pradesh Polity, Economy, Geography, History, Culture, Forestry, Flora & Fauna etc. Elite Study. 5.8 Terminal Questions 1)    Describe Administrative history of Himachal Pradesh. 2)    Discuss the role of leaders in the formation of Himachal Pradesh. 3)    Discuss position of Himachal Pradesh from Part C to Full-fledged statehood. Chapter 6 POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY (OLD AND NEW HIMACHAL), ADMINISTRATIVE SET-UP OF THE STATE HIMACHALPRADESH Structure 6.0 Introduction 6.1    Learning Objectives 6.2    Physiographic divisions of the State 6.3    Administrative set up of the State 6.4    Summary 6.5    Answer to self-check exercise 6.6    Suggested Readings 6.7    Terminal Questions 6 .0 Introduction: Himachal Pradesh is a state in the northern part of India. Situated in the Western Himalayas, it is one of the eleven mountain states and is characterized by an extreme river system. Himachal Pradesh shares borders with the Union territories of Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh to the north, Haryana to the southwest, and Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh to the south. State shares an international border to the east with the Tibet Autonomous Region in China. (Wikipedia, Himachal Pradesh) Himachal is spread over an area of about 55,673 square kilometers. According to 1911 Census its population is 5,170,877 persons living in 16,917 villages and a score of towns. Further, its 91.31 percent population is residing in the villages and only 8.69 percent in urban areas. The forest cover alone is about 37,033 km².Himachal Pradesh has a majority of Hindus (95.4%), though the northern parts bordering Tibet have a strong Buddhist influence. The people of Lahaul-Spiti practice Tibetan Buddhism, while tribals in Kinnaur follow a mixture of Hinduism and Buddhism. There is also a small minority of Sikhs, Muslims and Christians in various parts of the state. 6.1    Learning Objectives: This will help students to understand the political geography and administrative setting of the state. 6.2    Physiographic divisions of the State The four general physiographic divisions from south to north are: The state of Himachal Pradesh known for its natural beauty has boundaries with the Jammu and Kashmir in the North, Uttar Pradesh in the Southeast, China on east, Haryana in the South, and Punjab in the West. The mountainous state has altitudes ranging from 350 to 7000 meters above the sea level. The outer Himalayas (Shivaliks): Shivaliks range consists of lower hills (600 m above sea level). The hills of the region are composed of highly unconsolidated deposits which results in high rates of erosion and deforestation. The lesser Himalayas (central zone)/ Inner Himalayas: The lesser Himalayas have a gradual elevation towards the Dhauladhar and the Pir Panjal ranges. The rise is more rapid in the Shimla hills, almost 90 percent of Shimla population is under 30,to the south of which is the high peak of Churdhar (3647 m). North of the river Sutlej, the rise is steady. The Kangra valley is a longitudinal trough which is at the foot of the Dhauladhar range. Dhauladhar (which means the 'White Peak') has a mean elevation of nearly 4,550 m. It has a rapid rise of 3,600 m above the Kangra valley. The largest of the lesser Himalayan ranges, the Pir Panjal, branches off from the Greater Himalayan range near the bank of the Sutlej. A number of glaciers exist and several passes lie across the Pir Panjal. The Rohtang Pass (3,978 m) is one of these. The Great Himalayas (northern zone)/ Alpine zone: The Great Himalayan range (5,000 to 6,000 metres) runs along the eastern boundary and is slashed across by the Sutlej. Some of the famous passes in this range are Kangla (5,248 m), Bara Lacha (4,512 m), Parang (5,548 m), Cheni Pass Churah Pangi (4,400m), and Pin Parvati (4,802 m). Zanskar range (Shilla Peak (6,132 m) in kinnaur, Pangi in Chamba): The Zanskar Range, the easternmost range, separates Kinnaur and Spiti from Tibet and Pangi Chamba from Leh Ladakh UT. It has peaks up to 6816 m high. Some of the well-known peaks are Mount Gya (6,795 m) and Reo Purgyil (6,816 m); these are among the highest peaks in this range. There are many glaciers over the Zaskar and the Great Himalayan ranges. The lower hills of Kangra, Hamirpur, Una, Bilaspur and the lower parts of Mandi, Solan and Sirmaur districts are part of the Siwalik range. The altitude of this zone varies from 350 meters to 1500 meters above the mean sea level. The annual rainfall varies from 1500 mm to 1800 mm. since it is made up of consolidated deposits, which can erode easily, the zone experiences deforestation and a high rate of soil erosion. The altitude of inner Himalayas ranges between 1500 meters and 4500 meters above mean sea level. This zone includes areas such as the upper parts of Pachhad and Renuka in Sirmaur district, Chachiot and Karsog tehsil of Chamba district. The quality of soil in these areas ranges from silty loam to clay loam to dark brown colour. The greater Himalayas have an altitude of 4500 meters above mean sea level. This area comprises Kinnaur district, Pangi tehsil of Chamba district and some areas of Lahaul and Spiti. Self check exercise 1)    What is the area of Himachal Pradesh?________________________________________________________ 2)    How many divisions in Himachal Pradesh?________________________________________________________ 6.3    Administrative set up of the State Constitutionally, Himachal Pradesh has had a very precarious but eventful career. Pradesh was constituted as a Chief Commissioner’s province on 15th April 1948, after the merger of some thirty erstwhile princely hill states. Behind this merger lay the valiant struggle by the people and the Praja Mandal’s against the feudalism under which they had suffered for centuries. The crowning events of this long-drawn struggle were the Solan Conference of the representatives of Praja Mandal and the princes held on 26th January, 1948 and the Suket Satyagraha when Praja Mandal workers, along with thousands of people marched into Suket State on 18th February, 1948, capturing one police post after another. In September,1951 of the Government of Part ‘C’ States Act, which conceded a responsible Government of a limited character to Himachal Pradesh, along with some other Part- ‘C’ states, under a lieutenant Governor. Election to the thirty-six-member Legislative Assembly, created under the new Act, was held in November 1951. Congress Party won twenty –four seats and the first popular ministry headed by Dr. Yashwant Singh Parmar was sworn in on March, 24th 1952.A little earlier, on March 1st ,1952 the Chief Commissioner had been replaced by a Lieutenant Governor. The population ministry convinced the Centre of the incongruity of keeping Bilaspur as a separate Part- ‘C’ State. As a result of this on July 1st, 1954. Bilaspur was merged with Himachal Pradesh. Himachal Pradesh remained part- ‘C’ State of the Indian Union till 1956. In 1956 States reorganization Commission recommended to abolish the categorization of States as Part A, B, C. etc. In 1960, the Border chini tehsil of Mahasu district was carved out as a separate administrative unit. New Himachal On November 1, 1966, the Punjab province was reorganized with the formation of Haryana as a separate state and the erstwhile Kullu, Kangra, Shimla and some hilly areas of Hoshiarpur district and Dalhousie of Gurdaspur district were merged into four new states, Himachal Pradesh. Districts were created. By merging Kullu, Lahaul- Spiti, Kangra and Shimla and Dalhousie into Chamba, Himachal Pradesh consisted of ten districts, whose area is 55,673 square kilometers. According to the population census of 1961, the population is 28.12 lakh. On the integration of the hilly areas of Punjab with Himachal Pradesh in 1966, the following districts and tehsils were formed in the new administrative divisions: 1.    Lahaul and Spiti District: (i) Lahaul Tehsil and (ii) Spiti Tehsil 2.    Shimla District :( 1) Shimla Tehsil,(ii) Kandaghat Tehsil iii) Nalagarh Tehsil 3.    Kangra District:(i) Kangra Tehsil, (ii) Palampur Tehsil,(iii) Noorpur Tehsil, (iv) Dehra Gopipurtehsil, (v) Hamirpur tehsil and (vi) Una (it was a tehsil of Hoshiarpur district) 4.    Kullu District: (i) Kullu Tehsil, (ii) Banjar Sub- Tehsil, (iii) Ani Sub- Tehsil and (iv) Nirmand Sub- Tehsil On January 25, 1971, India's first woman Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi inaugurated Himachal Pradesh as the 18th state of the Union at the Girja Maidan (now known as The Ridge) in Shimla.Himachal’s status as Union Territory continued till the conferment of statehood on 25th January, 1971. On 1st September, 1972 two more districts viz Hamirpur or Una were created by trifurcation of Kangra district. Mahasu and Shimla districts were reorganized as Shimla as Solan districts on 1st September 1972. Since, 1st September, 1972 onwards, there are 12 districts (Bilaspur, Chamba, Hamirpur, Kangra, Kinnaur, Kullu, Lahula Spiti, Mandi, Shimla, Sirmaur, Solan Una), 52 sub-divisions,75 tehsil and 34 sub tehsils in Himachal Pradesh. In present time, Himachal Pradesh have 82 Tehsil, 35 sub tehsil, 20690 village and 59 cities. The state of Himachal Pradesh is divided into 12 districts, which are grouped into three divisions: Districts of Kangra Division: Chamba, Kangra, Una Districts of Mandi Mandal: Bilaspur, Hamirpur, Lahaul-Spiti, Kullu, Mandi Districts of Shimla Division: Kinnaur, Shimla, Sirmaur, Solan 6.4    Summary: Himachal Pradesh was established in 1948 as a Chief Commissioner's Province within the Union of India. The province comprised the hill districts around Shimla and southern hill areas of the former Punjab region. Himachal became a part C state on 1951 with the implementation of the Constitution of India. Himachal Pradesh became a Union Territory on 1 November 1956. On 18 December 1970 the State of Himachal Pradesh Act was passed by Parliament and the new state came into being on 25 January 1971. Thus, Himachal emerged as the eighteenth state of the Indian Union. 6.5    Answer to self-check exercise 1)    Himachal is spread over an area of about 55,673 square kilometers. 2)    3 Division ( Kangra, Mandi and Shimla). 6.6    Suggested Readings Verma, V. (2013). Himachal Pradesh: Now and Then. B. R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi. Verma, V. (2019). Himachal Pradesh: Polity and Democracy Miscellany of Historical Essays. B. R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi. Balokhra, J. M. (2007). Himachal Pradesh: A Complete Book on Himachal Pradesh. H. G. Publications, New Delhi. Entrance Series, A. (2021). Himachal Darpan Samanya Gyan: Latest Annual Budget and Economic Survey. Akash Publishing House, New Delhi. Jokta, S.& Kumar, V. (2020). Himachal G. K.: For all Exams in Himachal Pradesh. Jokta Academy, Chandigarh. Sharma, R. (….). Himachal Pradesh General Knowledge: A Concise Description of Himachal Pradesh Polity, Economy, Geography, History, Culture, Forestry, Flora & Fauna etc. Elite Study. 6.7    Terminal Questions •    Explain Geography of Himachal Pradesh. •    Briefly Discuss Administrative set-up in Himachal Pradesh. •    What is political geography of Himachal Pradesh ? Briefly describes Old and New Himachal? UNIT-III Chapter 7 POST-STATEHOOD POLITICS OF HIMACHAL PRADESH: PROBLEM OF REGIONALISM AND SUB- REGIONALISM Structure 7 .0 Introduction 7.1    Learning Objectives 7.2    Causes of Regionalism 7.3    Region divides in the State Politics of Himachal Pradesh 7.4    Social Division Between Lower and Upper Himachal 7.5    Economic variation between Lower and Upper Himachal 7.6    Regionalism and sub regionalism and Politics of Himachal Pradesh 7.7    Summary 7.8    Answer to self-check exercise 7.9    Suggested Readings 7.10    Terminal Questions 7.0 Introduction: Regionalism is a political ideology that focuses on the interests of a particular region, group of regions or other subnational entity.” The region as a social system is the relation between different groups of people. Regionalism depends on the social setup, geography among other factors. At times, Regionalism can promote healthy competition and be a precursor to nationalism. In a positive sense, it encourages people to develop a sense of brotherhood and oneness which seeks to protect the interests of a particular region and promotes the welfare and development of the state and its people. In the negative sense, it implies excessive attachment to one’s region which is a great threat to the unity and integrity of the country. Regionalism is often seen as a serious threat to the development, progress and unity of the state. It gives internal security challenges by the insurgent groups, who propagate the feelings of regionalism against the mainstream politico-administrative setup. Sub-Regionalism: A sub region refers to a small area within a region. Due to various factors, the people of a sub-region feel that they possess a distinct identity. A movement for the separation of that sub-region from a state or for the redressal of grievances in the sub-region is known as sab- regionalism. 7.1    Learning Objectives After going through this lesion students will be able to understand what is regionalism and sub regionalism, how state politics of Himachal Pradesh divided into region, what are the major factors that influence the politics of Himachal Pradesh. 7.2 Causes of Regionalism •    Geographical Factors: India has a diverse geography. There are different types of climates throughout the country. This change in geography affects the regional practices, food habits, and way of life •    Linguistic Factors: India enjoys many languages, but this can also cause one to feel more connected to a region than the country, thus promoting regionalism •    Steps such as making Hindi the national language affected non-Hindi speakers and increased regionalism •    Historical Factors: India has faced the authority of many. The control of regions was sometimes done separately and sometimes together, like by Akbar •    As India faced colonization, the British policy of divide and rule led to growing regionalism •    The discrimination or neglect faced by areas such as North East have caused feelings of regionalism •    Regional leaders try to gain support by promoting regionalism •    Those regions that have been discriminated against have begun to recognize themselves as part of a region, not a nation. 7.3 Region divides in the State Politics of Himachal Pradesh Regional recognition in terms of state hood or state autonomy gives self-determination to the people of that particular region and they feel empowered and happy. Internal selfdetermination of community, whether linguistic, tribal, religious, regional, or their combinations, has remained the predominant form in which regionalism in Himachal Pradesh has sought to express itself, historically as well as at present time. Himachal Pradesh is mountainous region consists of two types of hill areas i.e the Punjab hills and the Shimla hills. Shimla Hills: Before independence, the Shimla hills were ruled by native Princes. In these areas the people’s struggle was influenced by the nationalist movement in British India, but its object was never to overthrow or eliminate their Princely States. Punjab Hills: The Punjab hill areas which joined Himachal Pradesh in 1966 were under direct British administrative control before independence. The people in these areas participated in the struggle for freedom with the specific objective of overthrowing the British rule. These areas are experiencing electoral politics from 1921 when the dyarchy was introduced in Punjab. Thus, in hilly region prior to independence, two types of movements were going on simultaneously i.e.; 1)    The Praja Mandal movement (in Shimla Hill States) 2)    The Freedom movement (In Punjab Hill States). There seems to be hardly any divide among the voters of Himachal Pradesh which saw merger of some areas from Punjab in 1966 anymore as the two main political parties, Congress and BJP, have been performing well or badly in different areas. However, call it coincidence or a political strategy, the ‘regional divide’ in political leadership of the hill state has come to stay. 7.4Social Division between Lower and Upper Himachal There is a large cultural divide in Himachal Pradesh on the basis of language, religion, folk songs, dances etc. In high hill areas language is of Tibetan origin which is spoken by local folks while in plain or lower areas Pahari and Hindi is spoken by peoples. In some areas of Upper Himachal people mainly in Kinnaur high hills, Lahaul Spiti follows Buddhism due to contouring Tibbetan boundaries while in lower Himachal , Hinduism is the main religion. Congress in state politics has followed a traditional leftist approach in politics which believes in secularism and is liberal in many ways and attracts people from different castes and religion whereas the BJP follows a rightist approach in politics and is seen as leaning towards people of particular religion. Therefore, politics of sub-regionalism also depends on the vast cultural and socio-economic structure in the state. Dances, dresses, folk songs can also be compared in these areas which forms the basis of regional divide among people. All these factors are not of much importance to the people of the state, but these cultural disparities are used for political advantages and to gain votes, political masters use the difference in political ideology of people for their party benefits and people get influenced by them on the basis of region or sub-region and can easily be divided then. This political agenda is not good for development in the state administration or on practical grounds where one region such as Shimla is high on development and parts of Chamba are still rural. Self-Check Exercise A)    Is regionalism is a important factor in state Politics of Himachal Pradesh? B)    What do you mean by sub-regionalism? 7.5 Economic variation between Lower and Upper Himachal Economically, Himachal Pradesh consists of two distinct regions: “Agriculture” and “Horticulture”. The agricultural region consists of lower Himachal and horticultural regions consists of Upper Himachal. Economy of old areas is based on cash crops whereas new areas live largely under subsistence agriculture. In old areas, cash crops such as apples, potatoes and ginger is more profitable than the conventional grain produced in new areas. Fruit cultivation and production in the two regions reveal that horticulture has replaced the traditional agriculture in Shimla region but Kangra region lags behind in this transformation. In order to remove this disparity, Himachal Pradesh government tried to explore the possibility of introducing citrus fruits in the Kangra region and the Joint Directorate of Horticulture was established at Dharamshala in 1979 to help farmers of region. In agricultural regions, size of land holding is exceedingly small whereas in horticultural region, it is large. This is the reason behind fast urbanisation in new areas as people are leaving their villages due to increase in pressure on agricultural land. Land reforms acts turned out to be a clear case of discrimination between two regions. The big land owners from Kangra were deprived of their surplus land, but orchards were exempted from land ceiling. In Kangra region, the landowner organised themselves to protect their landed interests. Laghu Zamindar Sabhawas formed in 1973 to protect their landed interests. This Sabha was naturally ally of Jan Sangh and later the Janta Party as both needed each other in the given political reality. 7.6    Regionalism and sub regionalism and Politics of Himachal Pradesh With the reorganization in 1966 new areas added in Himachal which are mainly plain areas called new Himachal or a s lower Himachal and the existing area is called old Himachal or upper Himachal. In terms of geographicalconditions, the area belong to high hill areas in state in termed as Upper Himachal while the lower foot hill areas are termed as lower Himachal. Congress government main leader and former six-time chief minister Virbhadra Singh as dominance in Shimla Hill region while BJP has dominance in lower foothill as seen in election results also. As BJP CM candidate belong from lower Himachal and Congress candidates came from lower Himachal Areas like Shimla Kullu Sirmaur are much developed as compared to Kinnour, Lahul Spiti get less preference due the reason of electoral gain in some areas. While in lower Himachal Kangra, Hamirpur and Mandi are much developed as compared to Bilaspur, Solan an Una. With this sub regionalism is state priorities given to some areas and other left are ignored for the sake of regional political gains. Domination of Congress Party in Old Himachal Praja Mandals of Himachal Pradesh were merged in 1948 to form Congress party in Himachal Pradesh. All-important leaders of Praja Mandal became part of Congress Party. This is the one of main reason behind the domination of Congress Party in these regions. All three Congress CMs in the state, Dr Y.S Parmar (Sirmaur), Thakur Ram Lal and Virbhadra Singh (Shimla district) have come from old Himachal. The hill state was traditionally ruled by Congress party, with Dr YS Parmar from Sirmaur district becoming CM four times in 1952, 1963, 1967 and 1972. The state saw the first nonCongress chief minister, Shanta Kumar, in 1977. In the Congress, the leadership has remained in Shimla district after 1977, when Thakur Ram Lal from JubbalKotkhai became CM for a few months, taking over from Dr YS Parmar. Ram Lal, who won all the nine elections he contested from JubbalKotkhai assembly segment till his death in 2002, was Congress CM again in 1982 for a year, before Virbhadra Singh, then a minister at the Centre, was sent to replace him, mainly because of internal politics. Since 1983, Virbhadra Singh, who hails from Rampur in Shimla district and has represented JubbalKotkhai, Rohroo and then Shimla (rural) Assembly constituencies in Shimla district, has ruled the roost, becoming CM six times. He was in the fray as CM candidate again in 2017, this time contesting from Arki segment in Solan district, vacating his constituency Shimla (rural) for his son, Vikramaditya Singh. Political observers said the Congress party probably strengthened its hold in old Himachal area including Mahasu (upper Shimla), Mandi, Sirmaur, Chamba, Bilaspur districts after 1977, when a non-Congress leadership emerged from merged areas. At one point of time, entire Shimla backed the Congress leadership strongly. It even gave rise to the figure (aath or saath – 8 or 60), meaning that if the entire state goes one side, Shimla with its eight Assembly segments stood rock solid with the Congress leadership. But things have changed with time and with Dhumal coming to the fore in BJP. Domination of Bhartiya Janata Party in New Himachal Shanta Kumar, a senior BJP leader and former Union minister, headed the Janata Party government in 1977. He became the BJP CM in 1990, when the party came to power in a pre-poll alliance with Janata Dal. Kangra has 15 Assembly segments. BJP politics saw a transition of sorts in 1998, when Prem Kumar Dhumal, earlier in central politics, got the leadership role in the state and became CM in 1998 (when BJP entered into post-poll alliance with Himachal Vikas Congress to form government) and then in 2007, the first time the BJP came to power in Himachal on its own. Four-time MLA, Dhumal was the chief ministerial candidate of BJP in the 2017 Assembly polls as well but lost his seat contesting from Sujanpur constituency. But this dominance is challenged by present congress government where Congress candidate win election in lower Himachal especially Sukhwinder Singh Sukhu from Nadon Constituency of Hamirpur and crack the tradition that defined lower Himachal is only for BJP party. Change Politics Change has been the only constant in Himachal Pradesh as on incumbent government ever returned to power in state, except in 1985 election. Between the 1993 election and the 2012 polls, the post of the CM rotated between Congress ‘Virbhadra Singh and BJP’s Prem Kumar Dhumal. BJP enter the political picture of Himachal Pradesh in the 1982 elections. But even before that, the changing in the ruling party could be seen in the state. Recently 2017 election, BJP win majority in Himachal Pradesh and after this the tradition of change is maintain in election of 2022. In this election BJP replaced by Congress party and the tradition of change factor is still working in the politics of Himachal Pradesh. Traditional Cap's colour denotes political leanings Every time the government changes in Himachal Pradesh - from the Congress to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and vice versa - people's colour preferences too change, especially when it comes to their caps. The former CM, Sh.Virbhadra Singh from Shimla district always donning a cap with green band (Singh was so touchy about the colour of his cap, that if anyone presented him maroon cap, he would not relish it ) and his rival, former BJP CM, Sh. Prem Kumar Dhumal wearing a cap having maroon band, as a matter of distinctive choice. While different Himachali caps signify different regions in the state, the ‘green band’ and the ‘Maroon band’ on caps almost became a trademark of Congress and the BJP respectively. The supporters of two leaders (who became CMs alternatively since 1998) also started portraying political identity with similar caps, with the passage of time. Even the current CM of Himachal Pradesh Sh. Jairam Thakur (BJP) wears a maroon band cap. Even the ordinary folks would switch to caps with green or maroon bands, depending on which party forms the government. With BJP taking over the reins in HP, the people, however, still gift the cap with maroon band to the CM, ministers or other BJP leaders in official or public functions as a trend. But the ‘cap politics’ is seemingly not going to stay for long now. This was evident during the first visit of CM, Jai Ram Thakur to his home district Mandi earlier this month, where he was presented a white Himachali cap worn in areas of Kullu district. The first session of the state Assembly in 2017 was a witness to the changing trend. While many BJP leaders were not wearing any Himachali cap, some others were wearing the traditional Kullu cap with a multi-colour border. In Congress, a prominent example was first time and youngest MLA of HP Assembly, Vikramaditya Singh (Virbhadra Singh’s son), who was wearing an exclusive Himachali cap, but with a maroon band. According to Current Chief Minister Jai Ram Thakur the caps to be seen as an inseparable part of Himachali culture and not as a symbol of regional divide. 7.7Summary: The politics of upper and lower Himachal, Cap politics, Change Politics is feature of Himachal Politics. All these factors are not much important to people, they all live with unity but these cultural disparities are used for political advantages to gain votes, divide people on their political ideology for their party benefits and people get influenced by them and within region, in one state people seen divided. If this thing keeps on feeding people, then some areas which are not much developed can demand separate administration which will cost government in many ways. 7 .8Answer to self -Check Exercises A)    Regionalism is important factor in the politics of Himachal Pradesh. Geographically, Himachal Pradesh in divided into two Upper Himachal and Lower Himachal. Post statehood period, upper Himachal is known for congress Hegemony and lower is for BJP Hegemony. B)    A sub region refers to a small area within a region. Due to various factors, the people of a sub-region feel that they possess a distinct identity. A movement for the separation of that sub-region from a state or for the redressal of grievances in the sub-region is known as sub- regionalism. 7 .9 Suggested Readings Verma, R.K. (1994). Regionalism and Sub-regionalism in State Politics: Social, Economic, and Political Bases. Deep&Deep Publications. Giap, T.K., Low, L., Yam, T.K., Rao, K. (2014). Annual Analysis of Competitiveness, Simulation Studies, and Development Perspective for 35 States and Federal Territories of India: 2000-2010. World Scientific Publishing Co. Ptd. Ltd. 7 . 10Terminal Questions 1)    What do you mean by regionalism? Is regionalism being one of the important factors in the state politics of Himachal Pradesh? Explain. 2)    Critical analyses the politics of regionalism and sub regionalism in Himachal Pradesh. 3)    What do you mean by Upper Himachal and Lower Himachal? How political ideological work in these two regions? Chapter 8 ELECTORAL POLITICS, VOTING BEHAVIOUR AND PARTY SYSTEM IN HIMACHAL PRADESH Structure 8 .0 Introduction 8.1    Learning Objectives 8.2    Electoral Politics and Party System in Himachal Pradesh 8.3    What is Voting Behaviour and its determinants 8.4    Voting Behaviour and Electoral politics in Himachal Pradesh 8.5    Summary 8.6    Answer to self-check exercise 8.7    Suggested Readings 8.8    Terminal Questions 8.0 Introduction: The electoral system is a strong determinant of the features of democracy, and how the game of politics is played in campaigns and mobilizations. Most importantly, electoral systems strongly affect who wins and who loses in terms of the number of ‘seats won’— and who ultimately forms a government. Equally under-appreciated is how electoral system choice and design affect the type, number, and nature of political parties and their interactions within the policy space, or the range of issues and ideologies in the national, regional, or local political arena. The effect of electoral systems as rules for translating votes into seats, which in turn affects how parties organize and arrange themselves in relation to one another in a party system, is highly complex and varies. Scholarly research does show a high degree of patterned effects, however, as described in section 3. Winner-takes-all or majority systems are more likely to be associated with two-party systems, or perhaps two dominant parties, whereas proportional representation (PR) systems are said to provide incentives for a party system featuring, typically, four to six major political parties and often many (sometimes very many) smaller parties. In more established or long-standing democracies, electoral processes are typically routinized and held in a regular, periodic fashion. Modern democracies are increasingly holding referendums to ascertain ‘the will of the people’. In the context of democratization, each electoral cycle—beginning with founding elections, the first after a transition to democracy, and continuing with successive electoral cycles thereafter—is about institutionalizing and systematizing electoral processes. 8.1    Learning Objectives After going through this lesion students will be able to understand what is electoral politics and in which how voting attitude of the people how influences the electoral process. This will also helpful to understand the role of political parties in the state leadership and voting pattern of the Hilly people in election. 8.2    Electoral Politics and Party System in Himachal Pradesh Political parties and elections play an important role in the analysis of politics in democracy. Elections are the best method to test the legitimacy of a political system. Constitution of India makes it clear that legislature and executive authority of the federal system has been placed in the hands of representatives of the people chosen by means of free and fair elections. Indian politics represents the spectacle of a multiparty system on the surface; but for long periods of modern India's electoral history, it has been characterized by "one dominant party system" with congress occupying the Center stage. Since 1970s Indian party system has become highly competitive at center as well as in the states and Himachal Pradesh is no exception to this. From 1948 to present time Himachal Pradesh state politics saw many changes. > Pre-State Hood and Political Party Process of political consciousness began in the region in 1920s with formation of Praja mandals in the princely states. Purpose of these Praja mandals was to develop political consciousness among the people and to enlighten them against the repressive rule of Raja and Ranas. It was the first step up in the modern political history of the region when the people fought for their rights. Later on, the Prajamandal Movement changed into Congress in the region. Congress as political party came into existence in 1948. Praja Mandal movement was led by Brahmins and Vaisas, but with the emergence of congress Rajputs came into the forefront and they emerged as the leaders of the congress party. In social fabric of Himachal Rajputs enjoyed the elite status and they were accepted by the masses as leaders due to their ascribed status. Since those times Himachal politics is dominated by the higher castes in which Rajputs are more important as compare to the Brahmins and Vaisas. Himachal came into existence on 15 th April 1948 as part ‘C’ state consisting of four districts Chamba Mahasu, Mandi and Sirmour, in 1954 Bilaspur was also merged with Himachal. Later on in 1966 as a result of state reorganization certain parts of Punjab were transferred to Himachal under Punjab Reorganisation Act. These newly merged areas had cultural proximity to the Punjab. Due to their later addition in the Himachal these areas are called ‘New Himachal’ while area which was in Himachal before 1966 known ‘as Old’ Himachal. The concept of old and new Himachal became one of the important factors in deciding the electoral politics in the state. Besides this electoral politics of the state has been affected by numerous external and internal factors and events. From 1952 to 1971 average 1/3 seats were captured by the independents and other parties (Jan Sangh, Communist, Praja Socialist Party, Swatantrata Party). These parties failed to pose any challenge to ruling congress because congress was better organized as compare to the rest of the parties in the state and led by the leaders (Y.S. Parmar and Padam Dev) who were known for their contribution to Praja Mandal movements in the area. Thus, like other parts of the country in Himachal also there was one dominant party system till 1977. Emergency proved fatal to the congress in 1977 Janta Party was organized at the national level with help of leaders from Jan Sangh, Lok Dal etc. In the state also party wing was organized with the support of independents and Jan Sangh which had 11% share in the 1952 election (Ranbir Sharma 1977). In 1977electionJanta Party won with the thumping majority and 49.01% of valid votes also increased this time 41.26%, electionresultsof1977 indicate two developments of the H.P. politics. One that the national politics always affected the state electoral politics. Second organized opposition proved challenge to the one dominant party system. 1977 can also be considered as landmark period in the political history of Himachal when one dominant party system came to an end and two competitive party system emerged. From 1977 to 1982 Janta Party remained in the power in the state. For the first time Chief Minister (Shanta Kumar)came from the merged areas of Himachal and it was perceived by the political community that he was representative of the interests of the merged areas. This perception created a feeling of regionalism in the people of old and new Himachal. During the Shanta Kumar period riots held in different areas of the state due to this perception. For the next two decades regional issue remained one of the dominant factors in state politics. As congress leadership always came from Shimla district. Congress was considered as the party of old Himachalis, BJP was the party of new Himachalis. Both the parties exploited regional sentiments of the masses and tried to consolidate their position in their areas. Besides regional factors national scenario always affected the electoral politics. Between (19771982) parliamentary elections heldin1980dueto disintegration of Janta Party Congress again came into the power at the Centre. BJP was formed in 1980. Both the events affected the 1982 election. 1982 election held in normal circumstances and both the parties won almost equal seats and vote percentage also. In this election the conditions were different from 1977 when there was very strong anti-congress wave. But congress was ruling at the centre still congress bagged only thirty-one seats, while new formed BJP had twenty nine seats. Congress formed the government with the help of the independents and BJP emerged as strong opposition party in the state. Besides the fact that from 1977 to 1982 Janta Government led by Shanta Kumar but anti-incumbency factor was not much effective. And the rise in the votes polled (58.75%) also indicates that political mobility increased in the state and people became aware about their rights as electoral and they discarded the one dominant party system in the state and they wanted better government with effective opposition. In 1985, state legislative elections congress came into power. Trend of 1985indicates that people in the state always remained highly sensitive to the national developments. Assassination of Mrs. Gandhi resulted into emotional wave in favour of Rajiv Gandhi in parliamentary and state assembly elections it was the main factor of the congress’s success. Voters polled were 70.65 percent. > Post Statehood and Political parties After 1985 drastic change took place in the national politics which affected equations in the states also. Regional parties which were confined to the states since 1969 became strong force in determining the national politics. In 1989NationalFront’s Government was formed at the Centre with the help of the regional parties. Congress lost its past glory. Its vote share fallen in parliamentary elections. These developments affected the Himachal also. In 1990 for the first time BJP came into power after Janta Government in 1977. BJP was not able to complete its term because Centre government proclaimed emergency under article 356 and dissolved the assembly. In 1993 congress was ruling at the Centre, in state election congress won clear majority. In 1998 election BJP won twenty-nine seats and with the help of Himachal Vikas Congress, which was formed by dissident leader of the Congress was able to form the non-congress government in the state third time. BJP leadership changed in the state. Mr. Prem Kumar Dhumal became the Chief Minister of the state. The main reasonforthechange of leadership was the caste factor. Shanta Kumar was Brahmin and in Himachal political leadership always remainedwith the Rajputs because total Rajput population of the state is approximately 40% and the other reason is social acceptability of Rajputs as leaders in Himachal. In five years, BJP made best efforts to develop infrastructure in the entire state. Per capital investment in ninth plan (1998-2003) was 2638 which indicates that infrastructure expanded in the state. State elections from(1998-2007) indicates that people in Himachal people want change in the government after every five years for the betterment. In 2003 they voted for congress and in December 2007 again they voted for BJP. Vote percentage indicates that after 1977there is consistency in votes polled and that is to higher side as compare to the other states. Rise of the vote percentage and change in party position also indicates that percentage of floating votes has been increased from 7%to 16%andit is one of the major causes of changing party system in Himachal. Hence, in state alternative party system has evolved since the last decade. Third force (HVC in 1998) and BSP (2007) were not able to affect the alternative system although it was able to manage 4 to 5 percent votes of the main parties. Mainly it affected congress because HVC was party of congress dissident an dBSP’s base is in the lower caste which is mainly vote bank of the congress. (SC 25% and OBC 25.34%and ST5%) In2007, BJP made history by winning 41 seats on its own, and it was an over 8 per cent swing of votes in party favor from35.38percent in 2003 to over 43 per cent in 2007. In this election vote share of the Congress coming down by about 2 per cent, from41per cent to 39 per cent. Once again it has been proved that the state has a stable bi-party system. But in 2012assemblyelection BJP fail to break the myth of repeat the govt and lost ruling power to Congress. Congress won 36 seats and made the govt in the leadership of Virbhadra Singh who become forth time Chief Minister of Himachal Pradesh. Himachal PradeshAssembly election was held on November 2017 with recorded a 74 per cent voter turnout in assembly elections, higher than the 73.5 per cent last election. Keeping with the last three decades-long anti-establishment convention, voters of Himachal g ave a clear mandate to BJP for power with a majority of 44 seats (48.50% votes) and Jai Ram Thakur became the Chief Minister of Himachal Pradesh. Self-Check Exercise a)    Why regional parties are not emerged in state politics of H.P?........................................................................................................................................ b)    What are the major factors that influence the state politics of Himachal Pradesh?................................................................................................................................. 8.3    What is Voting Behaviour and its determinants Voting behaviour or electoral behaviour denotes citizens’ engagement and procrastination toward participation in elections for local, regional, or national government members. The study or analysis of electoral behaviour’s determinants is vital to inspire and influence voters to exercise their right to vote in favour or against a specific candidate. These determinants of voting behaviour include factors like gender, race, monetary influence, the personality of a leader, and a few more. Determinants of Voting Behaviour The nature and composition of Indian society are immensely diverse. As a result, voting behaviour in India is determined or impacted by various factors. These elements are broadly classified into socioeconomic factors and political considerations. They also help in evaluating the changing pattern of voting behaviour in India. They are described in further detail below: Religion: Religion is an important determinant of voting behaviour in India. Here, many political parties have been created based on religion. Political parties engage in community propaganda and exploit citizens’ religious sensitivities. The emergence of many community parties has added to religion’s politicisation. Even though India is a secular country, no political party dismisses the role of religion in electoral politics. During elections, several political parties plead for votes in the name of faith. They raise the phrase “Religion is in peril” and incite people’s religious sensibilities. When allocating party tickets, the religion of the voters and candidates is taken into account. It is common for citizens to vote for candidates of their faith since they are motivated by religious feelings. Language: India is multilingual and linguistic considerations influence people’s voting behaviour. Political parties use people’s linguistic sentiments during elections to control their voting decisions. The reorganisation of states (in 1956 and afterwards) based on language clearly illustrates the importance of language in Indian politics. There have been issues in states, like the status of one specific language in that state or the quality of the status of a state’s language. Because individuals have an emotional relationship with their languages, they are quickly swayed anytime a language-related issue arises. Caste: In India, caste remains to be a decisive factor affecting voting behaviour. It has deep societal origins and is a vital foundation for social connections at all levels. Despite enacting many regulations that ban discrimination and action based on caste, caste remains a decisive factor in political behaviour. Caste politicisation and casteism in politics are well-known realities of the Indian political system. Political parties in India, without exception, usually include the caste element while developing policies, programmes, and electoral strategies. In addition, several political parties frequently pay special attention to the candidate’s caste when nominating them and voters while exercising their right to vote. This is how caste is an important determinant of voting behaviour in India. Leader’s Personality: It is one of the essential determinants that impact voting behaviour in Indian society. It refers to the outstanding quality of a component that transcends group aspects and becomes a source of attraction and adoration for vast numbers of individuals. Many individuals are afraid of speaking out against the wishes of an influential leader because they do not dare to do so. Fortunately, in India, the positive component of charm played a role throughout the election. For instance, the excelling impressions of Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, and Narendra Modi inspired voters to vote for their respective parties. Governing Party’s Performance: On election evening, every political party issues its election declarations, including the promises made to the citizens or voters. The electorate evaluates the ruling party’s performance based on its election promises. Once elected, it is expected to keep the commitments expressed in the manifesto. Excellent or terrible performance of the ruling party, based only on election promises made and pledges fulfilled, significantly impacts the people’s voting behaviour. For instance, In 1989, Congress won a landslide majority in the 1984 elections but was unable to gain even a simple majority in the 1989 elections owing to its failure to perform successfully. Party’s Identification and Doctrine: Personal and emotional attachments to political parties influence electoral behaviour in India. People who identify with a specific party will always vote for that party, regardless of its errors and omissions. Additionally, the political philosophy proclaimed by a political party influences voter decision-making and directly impacts voting behaviour. For example, some people in society adhere to ideas such as communalism, capitalism, democracy, secularism, decentralisation, and so on. Such people back the candidates by the parties that espouse their views and vote for them. Monetary Influence: The relevance of money in understanding voting behaviour cannot be overstated. Despite limits on election spending, millions of rupees are spent on elections. Voters want cash or commodities in exchange for their votes. 8.4    Voting Behaviour and Electoral politics in Himachal Pradesh ❖    Upper and Lower Himachal: The territorial/topographic divide in the state was more accentuated than any other factor. For instance, a BJP supporter in ARKI (upper Himachal) constituency openly lamented the fact that the BJP C.M Dhumal has worked only for the lower Himachal as he himself hails from that part (Hamirpur) while the coming of Virbhadra Singh has changed the equation in favour of Congress at least in upper-Himachal .Similarly, in lower Himachal like (Bilaspur, Hamirpur, Palampur, Sundernagar, Bal etc) the study found that even if people were not very happy with the sitting MLAs, they certainly were relating with the BJP for the very fact that its C.M, P.K.Dhumal hails from the same.part and that a special care has been taken for that part. More particular, people in lower Himachal related to Dhumal on regional ground and a frequent complaint against Congress in that part was on the ground that Congress leader Vir Bhadra Singh (who hails from upper Himachal) has an upper-Himachal centric politics wherein lower Himachal remains at the receiving end. ❖    Caste: Caste is a factor that permeates all electoral contests in India, it is constant in its influence from deserts to mountains. The politics in Himachal Pradesh has always been dominated by Rajputs and Brahmins as the upper caste population is the highest in the state. According to the 2011 Census, around 51 percent of the population of the state comprises of upper castes, of which 33 percent are Rajput and 18 percent are Brahmin.This can be used to understand why five out of six chief ministers in Himachal Pradesh have been Rajputs. Among the other castes, SCs constitute 25 percent of the population, the share of ST communities is five percent, and OBCs around 13-14 percent, with the remaining five percent belonging to other castes and communities including Muslims and Sikhs.As Rajputs and Brahmins dominate the political scene, both the BJP and the Congress have fielded 28 Rajput candidates each, while the latter has fielded more Brahmin candidates than the BJP. Twelve Brahmin candidates are in the fray from the Congress while nine are contesting from BJP. ❖    Favour of Popular Senior Leaders of Both the Parties: The study found that in the coming election there was a pro-incumbency factor working in the favour of many senior sitting MLAs (who are popular for their developmental and approachable attitude) from both the parties. For instance, Gulab Singh (BJP) from Jogindernagar, Kaul Singh (Congress) from Drang, Anil Kumar (Congress) from Mandi etc.. Have a strong chance to get re-elected. Thus, people are not too enthusiastic for a change; they certainly are ready to give another chance to the performing MLAs irrespective of their political parties. ❖    Dominance of Congress and BJP and Lack of Third Alternative: As a corollary to their disenchantment from the BJP and Congress, there was a desire to consider the third alternative in many parts of the state. But at the same time people were not very sure of the winnability factor of the third alternatives. Nevertheless, a desire to get out of the two-party dominance system and to have a third option was very strong. In some way people wanted a third alternative to teach a befitting lesson to both: BJP and Congress. But, on the possibility of the desire being translated into actual choice, the voters again were non-committal. ❖    Inscrutable Mood: In general people seemed either reluctant or unsure to express a clear political choice. So, one of the crucial findings regarding the mood of the voters have been the “wait & watch” attitude. A large majority of voter themselves are not sure regarding their preference according to political parties and therefore would make up their mind only after the declaration of the candidates as has been already mentioned. 8.5    Summary: Political parties and elections play an important role in the analysis of politics in democracy. Elections are the best method to test the legitimacy of a political system. Constitution of India makes it clear that legislature and executive authority of the federal system has been placed in the hands of representatives of the people chosen by means of free and fair elections. Indian politics represents the spectacle of a multiparty system on the surface; but for long periods of modern India's electoral history, it has been characterized by "one dominant party system” with congress occupying the Center stage. Since 1970s Indian party system has become highly competitive at center as well as in the states and Himachal Pradesh is no exception to this. From 1948 to present time Himachal Pradesh state politics saw many changes. 8.6    Answer to self-Check exercise a)    The circumstances of Himachal Pradesh have not been easy for the regional parties not only geography but also from the electoral point of view. Regional parties are struggling to climb these mountains. Here only BJP and Congress have political base. The left parties have been struggling due charismatic leadership and support bases. However, Aam Aadmi Party, which is contesting elections in Himachal for the first time, claims that it will form the government. In the last assembly elections, BJP and Congress were the only mainstream political parties. b)    In the state politics of Himachal Pradesh in influence by many factors that is geographical division between lower Himachal and Upper Himachal. Due to Hilly state geographical factor play important role in politics. Further, there are Caste factor, Tribe like Gaddi, Gujjar Kinnaura, Pangwal, Lahula, Khampa play crucial role in politics. Major national parties like Congress and BJP are in mainstream of politics. The important factor is Change politics mean the tradition of Himachal Pradesh shows that every government is replace in next election. The irony of law of change or we can say wait and watch is play by the hill people for present government. 8.7    Suggested Readings Sharma, B. (2015). Determinants of Political Leadership in Himachal Pradesh. The Indian Journal of Political Science, 76 (4), 971-976. Mehta, S. (1980). Patterns of Voting Participation in Himachal Pradesh: A Spatial Perspective. The Indian Journal of Political Science, 41 (1), 79-90. Thakur, H.K., Sharma, D., Negi, B.S. and Sharma, V.P. (2023). Himachal Pradesh Assembly Election 2022. Economic and Political Weekly. Lijphart and B. Grofman (eds) (1984). Choosing an Electoral System: Issues and Alternatives. Praeger. 8.8    Terminal Questions > What do you mean by electoral politics? Critically examine the role of Political parties in Himachal Pradesh. > What do you mean by voting behaviour? What is the main factor in the electoral politics of Himachal Pradesh? > What is the role of National parties in the politics of Himachal Pradesh? > Why State leadership influence by caste factor? Explain. Chapter 9 IDENTITY POLITICS IN HIMACHAL PRADESH WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO CASTE, TRIBE, AND GENDER Structure 9.0     Introduction 9.1    Learning Objectives 9.2    Dimensions of Identity politics in India 9.3    Caste politics in Himachal Pradesh 9.4    Tribal Politics in Himachal Pradesh 9.5    Gender Politics in Himachal Pradesh 9.6   Summary 9.7    Answer to self-check Exercise 9.8    Suggested readings 9.9    Terminal Questions 9.0   Introduction According to Merriam Webster politics in which groups of people having a particular racial, religious, ethnic, social, or cultural identity tend to promote their own specific interests or concerns without regard to the interests or concern of any larger political group. Identity politics is a mechanism to win the elections by showing fear to the identity or claiming the hope for benefiting the identity. In a simple word, it is the Political activity or movements based on or catering to the cultural, ethnic, gender, racial, religious, or social interest that characterize a group identity. Identity has become an important phenomenon in the modern politics. The identification of a members of the group based on sharing common attributes based on all or some of the attributes, language. gender, language, religion, culture, ethnicity etc. indicates the existence or formation of identity. The mobilisation because of these markers is called identity politics. Identity politics gained legitimacy in the 1950s and 1960s in the United States and Europe. In India, the identity politics, has become an important aspect of politics. The rise of the Dalit politics, especially the SP and backward class politics following the implementation of the Mandal Commission Report; linguistic organisation of Indian states from the 1950s, and rise of the BJP, and the active role of the organisations like the RSS; and the ethnic conflict, insurgency, and autonomy movements in several parts of the country are examples of the identity politics in India. 9.1    Learning Objectives After going through this lesion students will be able to: > Understand the identity politics in the state politics of Himachal Pradesh > How caste factor influences the politics of Himachal Pradesh > What is the role of tribe in state politics? > How women in hill state play important role in Himachal Politics? 9.2 Dimensions of Identity politics in India In India we find that despite adoption of a liberal democratic polity after independence, communities and collective identities have remained powerful and continue to claim recognition. In fact, Beteille has shown that the Indian polity has consistently tried to negotiate the allegiance to a liberal [individual] spirit and the concerns and consciousness of community. According to Bikhu Parekh this process has recognised a wide array of autonomous and largely self-governing communities. It has sought to reconcile itself as an association of individuals and a community of communities, recognising both individuals and communities as bearer of rights. •    Language: The political movements for the creation of new states developed on linguistic lines of identity, after Independence in India. The movement to create a Telugu-speaking state out of the northern portion of Madras State gathered strength in the years after independence, and in 1953, the sixteen northern Telugu-speaking districts of Madras State became the new State of Andhra, which became first state to be created on a linguistic basis. In Indian politics the period from 1953 to 1956 was dominated by ‘language’. However, the claim of separate states for linguistic collectivises did not end in 1956 and even today continues to confront the concerns of the Indian leadership. As language becomes an important premise on which group identities are organized and establishes the conditions for defining the ‘ingroup’ and ‘out-group’ According to the 2011 Census report of India, there are more than 19,500 languages or dialects and 96.71 per cent population in the country have one of the 22 scheduled languages as their mother tongue. This diversity and large number of languages also forms the basis for the identity crisis and is in continuity. •    Religion: India is a Secular country and have multi-religious identities with a majority of Hindus (79.80%), followed by Muslims (14.23%), Christians (2.30%), Sikhs (1.72%), Buddhists (0.70%), Jains (0.37%), and others (0.9%). Indian history is replete with inter-religious conflicts, due to use of religion and its identity for partisan advantage. Hindu loyalist groups like the RSS (Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh) or the Siva Sena and political parties like the BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) or the Hindu Mahasabha claim that India is a Hindu State based on their numerical strength in the country. These generate homogenizing myths about India and its history. Such claims are countered by other religious groups (less in number compared to majority) who foresee the possibility of losing autonomy of practice of their religious and cultural life under such homogenizing claims. This initiates contestations that have often resulted in communal riots. The generally accepted myths that process the identity divide on religious lines center upon the ‘forcible religious conversions’, general ‘anti-Hindu’ and thus ‘anti-India’ attitude of the minority religious groups, the ‘hegemonic aspirations’ of majority groups and ‘denial of a socio-cultural space’ to minority groups. The divisions based on religion has become institutionalized in the form of a communal ideology has become a major challenge for India’s secular social fabric and democratic polity. •    Caste: Caste has become an important determinant in Indian society and politics. The origin of confrontational identity politics based on caste may be said to have its origin on the issue of providing the oppressed caste groups with state support in the form of protective discrimination. Caste-identities have resulted not only in the empowerment of newly emerging groups but has increased the intensity of confrontational politics and possibly leading to a growing crisis of governability. This group identity based on caste that has been reinforced by the emergence of political consciousness around caste identities is institutionalized by the caste-based political parties that profess to uphold and protect the interests of specific identities including the castes. For example, in India we have the upper caste dominated BJP, the lower caste dominated BSP (Bahujan Samaj Party) or the SP (Samajwadi Party), etc have implicitly followed the caste pattern to extract mileage in electoral politics. •    Gender: The Vedic period indicated the strong status of the women. In which she had right to choose of partner, participate in religious ceremony. At present due to the awareness and also education, exposure etc, has paved way for the neglected genders of the society to speak up about their ignored-presential. From 1950’s & 60’s we have LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual & Transgender) movements also gaining momentum who are demanding for their rights and acceptance of their presence and respect in the society. ‘Gender Identity’ is what people think, believe, and feel about themselves. But gender in relation to identity politics connotes the struggle of identification for their presence, and a demand for being respected and treated equally on par with other gender (especially in relation to male). The feminist movements and the gay liberation movements in and around the world are examples for this. These are intended to fight against the atrocities and towards the removal of certain social evils like child marriage, polygamy, restriction on remarriage of widows, non-access to education, ill treatment etc., and to gain equal remuneration of work, social, economic, and political rights as well. •    Ethnicity: There are two ways in which the concept of ethnic identity is used; one, its insiders the formation of identity on the basis of single attribute - language, religion, caste, region, etc; two, it considers the formation of identity on the basis, of multiple attributes cumulatively. However, it is the second way formation of identity based on more than one characteristic - culture, customs, region, religion, or caste, which is considered as the most common way of formation of the ethnic identity. The one ethnic identity is formed in relation to the other ethnic identity. The relations between more than one ethnic identity can be both harmonious and conflictual. Whenever there is competition among the ethnic identities on the real or imaginary basis, it expressed in the form of autonomy movements, demand for session or ethnic riots. Self-Check Exercise a)    How caste is important factor in state politics of Himachal Pradesh?___________________________________________________________ b)    Which areas of Himachal Pradesh are declared as scheduled areas?_____________________________________________________________ 9.3    Caste politics in Himachal Pradesh Caste is a factor that permeates all electoral contests in India, it is constant in its influence from deserts to mountains Himachal Pradesh since its formation has been dominated by the leadership emanating from the Khasas of the Sirmour and Mashu Hills. Colonial state has enumerated Khasa tribe as warriors of the hill thus categorising them as Rajputs.Although their cousins in Garhwal were categorised subsequently as Scheduled tribe.Even in Himachal communities living in Kinnaur,Lahul& Spiti, Pangi and Gaddis of Bharmour also got their tribal status but within these communities also existed the concept of castes and a sense of social differentiation. Now the Trans-Giri region of Sirmour has been witnessing a political mobilisation to gain tribal status from Khasas of this region but the pre-recognized Scheduled Caste community in this region may not feel this movement as just. Democracy and adoption of the constitutional values has led to the great political awareness among the castes like Giraths , Jihirs, Kolis, Chamars , Dumans who were traditionally categorised into less pure and inferior categories in Himachal. Colonial records of the regions can also give a glimpse of the community and caste-based mobilisation. The 1925 edition of the District Gazetteer mentions an ongoing struggle between the Girths and the Rajputs because the Girths were challenging the restrictions imposed upon them by the Rajputs to claim higher status in the varna hierarchy. This conflict asserted itself in the economic dimension when Girths demanded a better share of the crops which Rajputs landlords were denying. Rajputs started witnessing erosion of their status hierarchy and to balance the scale they reached an agreement with Kolis and in return offered them clean caste status. Kolis always believed in their Kshatriya origin although they accepted the myth of being fallen from grace.These castes were after the 1936 census were categorised into Schedule Caste and after Independence others like Girths were categorised as OBCs due to their related backwardness and pressure of competitive politics. Before independence Kolis of Kangra fought in Lahore High Court their enumeration in SC categories and they had got a decision in their favour and Mandi Koli association also fought their case against inclusion into SC category after the formation of state. But subsequently old generations of Koli leadership faced backlash from the youths of their own community who started enjoying fruits of reservation in jobs, and political representation in SC seats in the Legislative assembly. They chose economic and political grains over alleviating themselves in the ladder of Varna vyavastha which their older generation has fought before the implementation of affirmative action programmes. > Post Statehood Caste factor Traditionally Congress party was looked upon by the castes in the SC community as their natural party and BJP was seen as the party of so-called upper castes. RSS through its social outreach and BJP with its political mobilisation has been successful in making a new inroads towards gaining the faith of SC castes in Himachal. In Shimla,Solan and Sirmaur districts out of total 17 seats of legislative assembly 6 are reserved for SC candidates.As per the 2011 census SC category comprised more than 30 percent votes in Shimla and Sirmaur district. These districts have been traditionally Congress dominated now through outreach towards SC category BJP is trying to establish itself on a much stronger footing. Suresh Kashyap, a prominent SC leader of the Pacchad constituency of Sirmour has been working as the state party president of the BJP in Himachal Pradesh. The BJP government has increased the budgetary provision of the Scheduled Caste Component Plan from 11% given in 2007-08 to 25% after coming to power. Chief Minister Jai Ram Thakur has pointed at this achievement in many public platforms which gives SC population share in the total planning outlay as per their proportion in the total population of the state. The politics in Himachal Pradesh has always been dominated by Rajputs and Brahmins as the upper caste population is the highest in the state. According to the 2011 Census, around 51 percent of the population of the state comprises of upper castes, of which 33 percent are Rajput and 18 percent are Brahmin.This can be used to understand why five out of six chief ministers in Himachal Pradesh have been Rajputs. Among the other castes, SCs constitute 25 percent of the population, the share of ST communities is five percent, and OBCs around 13-14 percent, with the remaining five percent belonging to other castes and communities including Muslims and Sikhs.As Rajputs and Brahmins dominate the political scene, both the BJP and the Congress have fielded 28 Rajput candidates each, while the latter has fielded more Brahmin candidates than the BJP. Twelve Brahmin candidates are in the fray from the Congress while nine are contesting from BJP. 9.4    Tribal Politics in Himachal Pradesh Ethnography of the people of Himachal Pradesh is unique. All communities of Himachal Pradesh have been studied in a comprehensive manner by Anthropological Survey of India under the People of India project in collaboration with several local institutions. As many as 124 communities have been identified including nine scheduled tribes. The report differs a bit from that of the Census of India in the way that Lahulas are not recognized as separate tribal community and merged with other tribes of Lahaul valley as a linguistic group speaking Lahauli language of Tibeto-Burman family. Remarkable ethnographic diversity is noted among the people of the state as a whole in terms of racial characters, languages and dialects spoken, types of social organizations, religious and ritual practices, traditional food items, marriage systems, fairs and festivals and several other cultural traits. In fact there are prominent physiographic controls on the Himachal cultural landscape. Major river valleys are habitats of certain community and linguistic groups. Special mention may be made here about the most isolated non- tribal Malanees group residing in the Malana village in Parati valley near Kullu. They are recorded as the ‘first republic in the world with its own executive and judicial system and bicameral legislature representing people and households, subject to the will of ultimate arbitrator, the local god. They speak the Malanees dialect within themselves but also speak Kulvi and Hindi with outsiders. But no outsiders are allowed to settle in the village permanently.However, in Himachal Pradesh Major Tribes are Kinnaura, Gujjar, Lahuli, Gaddi, Swangla , Pangwal and Khampa Tribes. Gaddi, Gujjar and Kinnara tribes totally constitute 82 percent of the total Scheduled Tribes population in the state. The other important tribes viz. Bodh, Pangwala and Swangla follow in the rank but with lesser numbers. Lahula, Jad, Domba and Beta tribes count less than one percent of the total STs in the state. It’s interesting to note that all the major tribes have remarkably high sex ratios, i.e., more female per thousand male, and even the ratio of all tribes is almost equal (999) compared to the all India figure of 990 for all STs. The 10 Scheduled Tribes communities of the state are well spread over all the 12 districts though their original habitations are represented by higher concentrations of each population in respective districts.Thus, Bodh has the highest population in Lahul-Spiti followed by the adjacent Kullu district. Gaddi tribe is a huge majority in Chamba followed by Kangra. Solan, Kangra, Mandi, Sirmour and Bilaspur districts are the major dwelling areas of the pastoral Gujjar community. Likewise, Kinnaura in Kinnaur, Pangwal in Pangi Valley of Chamba etc. show similar concentration patterns in respective districts.The Scheduled Tribe population of the Pradesh which has its concentration in districts of Kinnaur and Lahul& Spiti, Pangi and Bharmour parts of Chamba. It has been declared as Scheduled Areas under the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution by the President of India as per the Scheduled Areas Order, 1975 date the 21st November 1975. >    Gaddi and Gujjar Tribe The Gujjars of Himachal Pradesh assume special significance since they are one of the most marginalized communities of the country. Living in the far-flung areas, these tribes are the first to be hit by vagaries of nature such as: drought, flood, infectious diseases, economic and cultural displacement, etc. Isolated from the main stream, they have long suffered social and economic marginalization. Their basic economy revolves around rearing of buffaloes, and they survive by selling milk and milk products to the settled villagers. They often rely upon middlemen, owing to whom many are now in debt. The nomadic Gujjars have difficulties in having land ownership, and at times are subjected to eviction from their camp sites. But the settled Gujjars have a more comfortable life and have resorted to pastoralist. The caste system is prevalent among both Hindu and Muslim Gujjars. As of 2001, the Gujjars in parts of Himachal Pradesh were recognized as Scheduled Tribes. Out of the total Gujjar population in the State 14.0 percent of them are Hindus and 86.0 percent are Muslims. Gujjars of Chamba, Sirmaur& Kangra are Muslims whereas, Gujjars residing in Solan District have only 1.4 percent Muslims and 98.6 percent Hindus. Gaddi plays important role in the state politics of Himachal Pradesh specially Kangra constituency and had a stronghold over Baijnath, Palampur, Dharamshala, Shahpur, Nurpur, Nurpur, Indora, Jawali and Fatehpur. While OBC have 30% population in Kangra, Gaddi are a very dominated force in Chamba and several constituencies of the biggest district. Treading on caste lines, the parties devise strategy to win over two communities-Gaddis and Other Backward Classes (OBC) – to neutralise the effect to the rival candidates. The Caste politics plays a pivotal role in determining which party will form government and when it comes to the politics in Kangra, Chamba, Una, OBC and Gaddis become the decisive forces. Traditionally, they followed pastoral nomadism, but now the trend has changed. Gaddis today prefer government and private sector jobs. However, Gaddis were also trying to make a career in politics. Many had registered their names in state politics with their enthusiastic involvement. After Independence, only the Gaddis from the Chamba district of Himachal Pradesh were notified as Scheduled Tribes. But with their active involvement in politics, in 2002, Bharatiya Janata Party leaders from Dharamshala and Baijnath appealed for scheduled caste status to the rest of the Gaddis living in Himachal Pradesh who were classified under other backward classes. All the Gaddis from different areas were re-notified as Scheduled Tribes and given rights regarding aid, education and jobs in January 2003. They had been facing discrimination among other communities due to their occupation and lifestyle but with the passage of time, Gaddis tried to maintain their identity among other communities by actively participating in politics and showing their presence to others. The aim of the study was to explore how the Gaddis were ensuring their political identity through their support of cultural identities and relation within and outside their tribe. >    Kinnour And Lahul & Spiti Tribe Kinnaur assembly constituency is one of the 68 assembly constituencies of Himachal Pradesh a northern Indian state. Kinnaur is also part of Mandi Lok Sabha constituency. Lahul &Spiti is also part of Mandi Lok Sabha constituency. The district of Kinnaur is located between 310-05’-55” and 320-05’-20” north latitude and between 770-45’-00” and 790-00’-50” east longitude. The District Lahul-Spiti is situated between north latitude 31041’-39” and 320-59’-57” and east longitude 760-40’-29” and 780-41’-39”. The Pangi SubDivision of Chamba district falls between north latitude 320-33’ and 330-19’ and between east longitude 760-15’ and 770-21’ and the Bharmour sub-division of this district is situated approximately between the north latitude 320-11’ and 320-41’ and between the east longitude 760-22’ and 760-53’. Snow glaciers, high altitudes and highly-rugged terrain, criss-crossed by fast flowing rivers and their tributaries are the peculiar features of the Tribal areas. The Kinnaura they are considered active, generous, frank, peace loving and hospitable people who are the inhabitants of the border district of Kinnaur in Himachal Pradesh. Since time immemorial this area has been outward looking and has economic, social, and cultural ties with other parts of Himachal Pradesh, Ladakh and even Western Tibet (specifically its Ngari Prefecture). They belong to the Mongoloid race but have been considerably intermingled with the Indo-Aryans and are strongly marked with features of the Tartar physiognomy. The people of Upper Kinnaur are of a fair complexion and have small oblong eyes. Then, Central Kinnaur is inhabited by a slightly fair muscular race of mixed origin known as Kunets. In Lower Kinnaur the people vary in color and are mostly dark brown or yellowish white. Co-existence of Unorthodox Hinduism and Tibetan Buddhism defines the religious space of Kinnaur. While, Lower and Central Kinnaur have large influences of Hinduism which in many ways is very separate from the mainland Hinduism practiced in specifically the Hindi Belt states, as mainly deity worship is followed. On the other hand, in Upper Kinnaur Buddhism is what is dominant. But overall an amalgamated culture exists in the area where the tribal people mostly live-in peace and harmony. The Buddhists who are majorly in Upper Kinnaur do not follow the caste system, but the caste system is followed by the Hindus which are mostly in Lower Kinnaur and in some areas of Central Kinnaur. The Hindus divide themselves into the Khasia or Khasas and Berus. The Khasas are treated as upper caste and includes Rajputs or Kanets and has been at the highest rung of the social ladder for generations. Meanwhile, the Berus are treated as lower castes and includes Chamangs, Domangs, Ores and Kolis. The Chamangs were traditionally shoemakers and weavers, the Domangs were blacksmiths as well as gold and silversmiths, and the Ores were carpenters. Concerning the linguistic composition of the Kinnauras they basically speak the Kinnauri language which is part of the Tibeto-Kinnauri language family which includes languages spoken in neighboringLahaul as well as Western Tibet, Ladakh and even Baltistan. Mainly Kinnauri/ Hamskad or Milchan is the most spoken linguistic dialect and is majorly spoken in Lower Kinnaur. According to some experts, this linguistic dialect shows close affinities to Mundari (spoken in Chota Nagpur), as they believe long back an amalgamation in this area had taken place between the Munda aboriginal tribes and a Tibetan tribe. Then, the Chitkuli dialect is mostly spoken by people living on the Indo-China border in the Baspa Valley, the Jangshung dialect is spoken mostly in the Morang tehsil and the Sumcho, Sunnam and Chhoyuli dialect is spoken in the Poh administrative division. Bhoti Kinnauri is spoken in border areas with Lahaul-Spiti, and Pahari Kinnauri which has some similarity with the Western Pahari languages is spoken by mainly the scheduled caste groups of Nichar, Kalpa, and Sangla tehsils in Kinnaur. In recent election of 2022, Congress win election with 46.95% and defeat the BJP with 31.15%. Jagat Singh Negi is popular leader of Congress dominated the Kinnaur constituency from 1995, 2003, 2012, 2017, 2022 elections. For Lok Sabha election, Raja Virbhadra Singh was always win majority in Kinnaur constituency because this is the part of upper Himachal or old Himachal. 9.5    Gender Politics in Himachal Pradesh Politics and political parties in Himachal Pradesh epitomise patriarchal values. Most women MLAs, including the present contender, are from conservative Rajput or Brahmin communities. The mood of several women contenders denied tickets were summed by BJP politician Vandana Guleria, the daughter of seven-time MLA and Minister Mahender Singh Thakur. Guleria has been an active Zila Parishad member. When informed by her father that her brother Rajat has been nominated to contest in the upcoming polls, she said, “Delhi se ticket mil saktihai, vote nahin—nepotism can get you a ticket, not votes.” Himachal Pradesh has the second-highest literacy rate in the country. In the 2017 election, the female voter turnout was 79%, as opposed to 70% for men. Women outnumber men in 16 key Assembly constituencies, yet they hardly get to represent a constituency. With an average of 5% of women MLAs, Himachal stands below the national average of 6 to 7%. Parties continue to provide women with negligible representation in the State Assembly. While the BJP has given six women candidate’s tickets in a legislature of 68 members, the Congress has nominated only three women candidates. Important BJP women contenders include Sarveen Choudhary from Shahpur, Reeta Dhiman, who runs a boutique from Palanpur and Shashi Bala from Rohru, in the heart of the apple industry. Other candidates are Vijay Jyoti from Kasumpti and Kamlesh Kumari from Bhoranj. The Congress contenders include the seasoned Asha Kumari from Dalhousie and dynast Champa Thakur from Mandi, whose father, Kaul Singh Thakur, is an eight-time MLA. In present Election of 2022, BJP’s leader Reena Kashyap won from Pachhad (Sirmaur) seat, is the only one woman in present Constituent Assembly. Most of the women in Hilly state have female voting performance is higher than male participation in election. But in case of state leadership, they represent very lower percentage. Only the political background female is more seen in assembly election as compare to non-political background. But there will a change after the women reservation bill of 33% in Lok Sabha and Legislative Assembly. 73rd Amendment and Women at Grassroots level The 73rd amendment, among other things, handed over the reins of power to the people at the panchayat level with a 33 per cent reservation of certain seats and key positions within the panchayat to women. The amendment also made it mandatory for all states to hold gram panchayat and municipal elections and empowered these bodies to undertake development activities at the local level. While the 73rd amendment has opened the way for women to exercise their right to be involved in village governance, it does not let them define programme priorities and develop and manage natural resources. Nor is there an integrated approach to environmental planning at a micro level because each department has its own plan. Now that women's participation in Panchayats is slowly and surely making an impact on grassroots governance, it can be said that the foundations have been laid to extend this social revolution to all levels of decision - making. Women in Panchayats: the Impact Perhaps the most significant aspect of the entry of women into provincial politics is that many social myths are beginning to be shattered. Those who were initially cynical about the induction of women into the roles of power had argued that women would be forced to serve as dummies for their husbands. They felt that, one way or other, women would be unable to exercise powers as administrators either because of her own ignorance or other limitations imposed on her by domestic duties. Women of Himachal Pradesh have been provided with 50% reservation in the political bodies like Panchayati Raj institutions and Urban Local Bodies in the State. This has definitely helped the women to come forward and explore themselves. Women participation in Panchayat level is higher than state leadership. They are very active in Gram Sabha and their role in as Panch, as Sarpanch and Pradhan. The reservation through 73rd Amendment Act play important role in empowering rural women of Himachal Pradesh. 9.6    Summary: Himachal Pradesh is divided into two regions upper and lower Himachal. This geographical division became the biggest identity in Himachal Pradesh. Scheduled Tribe areas and their tribes play important role in their region. Gaddi, Pangwal, Gujjars, Lahula, Kinnaura, Kampa, tribe also effect the politics of Himachal Pradesh. On the other side, Caste play important role in casting vote in the assembly as well as local bodies. In state leadership, always remain in the hand of Rajput or Brahmin. Women in the Hilly state also play in crucial role in the politics of Himachal Pradesh. We can see their effective role in the Panchayat as compare to state level leadership. 9.7    Answer to self-Check exercise a)    Caste is a factor that permeates all electoral contests in India, it is constant in its influence from deserts to mountains Himachal Pradesh since its formation has been dominated by the leadership emanating from upper strata. Only the Rajput and Brahmin are still dominated the state leadership in Himachal Pradesh. b)    The fifth Scheduled of Indian constitution defined Scheduled Areas. In Himachal Scheduled Areas are Lahul&Spiti, Kinnaur, Pangi and Bharmour of Chamba district. 9.8    Suggested Readings Shashi, S.S. (1977). The Gaddi Tribe of Himachal Pradesh: A Sociological Study. Sterling Publishers. Saberwal, V.K. (1999). Pastoral politics: Shepherds, Bureaucrats, and Conservation in the Western Himalaya. Oxford University Press. Nehria, S. and Ghosh, A. (2023). Political participation of Gaddi Tribe of Himachal Pradesh. Sage Publications. Deol, G. (2005). Gender gap in Himachal Pradesh. National Book Organisation. Kumar, N. (2015). Paradoxes of Tribal Development. The Indian Journal of Political Science, 76 (4), 853-858 Sharma, K.M., Devi, J. and Verma, A. (2012). Impact of religion, caste and political parties on tribal voters of district of Kinnaur of Himachal Pradesh. The Indian Journal of Political Science, 73(1), 175-184 9.9    Terminal Questions >    What do you mean by identity politics? Explain Caste role in the state politics of Himachal Pradesh. >    How tribal politics work in electoral politics of Himachal Pradesh. >    What is the role of women in the state politics of Himachal Pradesh? Examine. >    What is 73rd Amendment Act and its impact on women, Tribe and Scheduled Caste of Himachal Pradesh politics? UNIT-IV Chapter 10 POLITICAL ECONOMY OF HIMACHAL PRADESH WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO HORTICULTURE, AGRICULTURE AND TOURISM 10.0 Introduction 10.1    Learning Objectives 10.2    Agriculture in Himachal Pradesh 10.3    Horticulture in Himachal Pradesh 10.4    Tourism in Himachal Pradesh 10.5    Summary 10.6    Answer to self-check exercise 10.7    Suggested Readings 10.8    Terminal Questions 10.0 Introduction Himachal is one of those states in India which was rapidly transformed from the most backward part of the country to one of the most advanced states. At present Himachal ranks fourth in respect of per capita income among the states of the Indian Union.The community development programme which was launched in 1952 in Himachal, in certain selected areas was later extended to the entire rural Himachal. In Mandi and Kangra, package programmes were undertaken in collaboration with the West Germany to popularizing modern techniques of cultivation among the farmers. Suitable agricultural machinery and animal husbandry were introduced in these areas. Well equipped soil testing laboratories, dairy farms and agricultural workshops were set up at various centres, besides an Agriculture University at Palampur. Himachal education system is well established, its agriculture is enough for its selfsufficiency, its horticulture is highly impressive in the country and even in abroad, its road connectivity system has emerged as the best in the mountainous areas in India, the infrastructure for its industrial development are well laid out, its rich forest resources being augmented and above all, the increasing attention of the nation towards the exploitation of its hydel resources are the signs for its bright future. It has already become the ideal in respect of development for the hill areas of the country. 10.1    Learning Objectives: This chapter will help the students to understand the economy of Himachal Pradesh. In which they are capable to understand various sector like agriculture, Horticulture and Tourism in Hill state and how it generates economy for the state as well employment for the hilly people. 10.2    Agriculture in Himachal Economy Agriculture plays an important role in the economy of Himachal Pradesh. 90 percent people of the state live in rural areas and 70 percent people are directly connected to employment. As per the department of Agriculture report shows that Agriculture provides direct employment to 71% of the population in Himachal Pradesh and the sector contributes nearly 30% of the total state domestic product. The new sown area of Himachal Pradesh is 5,38,412 hectare and the total cropped area is 9,40,597 hectare. The total irrigated area is 70 lakh hectares. The agro-climatic zones of Himachal Pradesh are: ■    Shivalik Hill Zone: Occupies about 35% of the total geographical area and around 40% of the total cultivated area. The major crops grown are wheat, maize, paddy, gram, sugarcane, mustard, potato, vegetables, etc. ■    Mid Hill Zone: Occupies about 32% of the total geographical area and around 37% of the total cultivated area. The major crops sown are wheat, maize, barley, black gram, beans, paddy, etc. This zone has good potential for the cultivation of cash crops, such as off-season vegetables, and temperate vegetables, such as cauliflower and root crops. ■    High Hill Zone: Occupies about 35% of the total geographical area and around 21% of the total cultivated area. The commonly grown crops are wheat, barley, lesser millets, pseudo-cereals (buckwheat and amaranthus), maize and potato, etc. The area is suitable for the production of seed potatoes and temperate vegetables. ■    Cold Dry Zone: Occupies about 8% of the total geographical area and 2% of the total cultivated area. The major crops grown are wheat, barley, and pseudo-cereals. At present, land available for cultivation out of the total land holdings in Himachal Pradesh is 75.3 percent of the total area and 85.9 percent of total area in India. Further, Net Area sown is 11.9 percent of the total cultivable area in the State as compared to 45.8 percent that of the Country. Agriculture sector is contributing nearly 16 percent to the Gross State Domestic Product of Himachal Pradesh. Based upon the criteria of land holding, households, cultivable cropping area, net sown area and irrigation, the research paper endows to examine the role of agriculture sector in the economic development of Himachal Pradesh. 10.3    Horticulture in Himachal Economy Himachal Pradesh is famous for its sumptuous and delicious fruits all over the country and abroad and fruit production is one of the major occupations of the people of the state as fruit crop is the main source of livelihood for the farmers. Himachal Pradesh has been endowed with a wide range of agro-climatic conditions due to which a large number of horticulture commodities like fruit crops (from temperate to sub-tropical), flowers, vegetables, mushrooms, hops, tea, medicinal & aromatic plants etc. are successfully grown here. Amongst the fruit crops, perhaps all kind of fruits grown in the country, except those which are grown in the warm humid coastal regions, can be produced in the State. Depending upon the agro climatic conditions and the suitability of a particular area for the growing of specific fruit crops in that area, the State is broadly divided into four agro climatic zones as described below: Low Hill and Valley areas near the plains: Mango, Litchi, Guava, Loquat, Citrus Fig, Ber, Papaya, Early varieties of Grapes, Jack Fruit, Banana, Low chilling varieties of Peach, Plum and Pear, Strawberry. Mid Hills (Sub Temperate): Stone Fruits (Peach, Plum, Apricot, Almond), Persimmon, Pear, Pomegranate, Pecan nut, Walnut, Kiwi Fruit, Strawberry. High Hills and Valleys in the interiors (Temperate): Apple, Pear (Soft), Cherry, Almond, Walnut, Chestnut, Hazel- nut, Strawberry. Cold and Dry Zone (Dry Temperate): Apples, Prunes, Drying type of Apricot, Almond, Chilgoza, Pistachio nut, Walnut, Hazel-nut, Grapes and Hops. In addition to fruits, vegetable and flower cultivation is undertaken for off season supplies to the plains, mushroom cultivation is being taken up even by the landless for the augmentation of their income. Beekeeping is a necessary activity adjunct to the horticulture industry, which besides providing pollinating agents for improvement of fruit set and productivity, also results in the production of economic apiculture products like honey and bee wax. The horticulture industry therefore is playing a great role in the amelioration of the rural economy of the State with respect to: a)    Generation of sources for cash income to the rural people, b)    Generation of employment opportunities in the pre and post-harvest sectors of the horticulture industry, c)    Provision of nutritive foods in the form of fruits, vegetables, nuts, mushrooms, honey, etc., d)    Satisfaction of the aesthetic needs of the people, and e)    Development of a sustainable system of permanent agriculture in the hilly areas. In Himachal Pradesh, diversification from cereal-based cropping system to vegetables is gaining momentum because of the tourism industry. More area is being put under cultivation of exotic vegetables on account of suitable temperate climate which has proven to be a remunerative venture. At present, the area under vegetable farming in the state is 72,000 hectares and production is 14 lakh tones, with annual growth rate of 6.5% in area and 7.4% in production. Vegetable productivity of Himachal Pradesh is 19.5 tonnes per hectare which is higher than the national productivity of 17.5 tonnes per hectare. Vegetables are generating more revenue than fruits by contributing more than Rs 3,000 crore, leaving behind fruits, which contribute Rs 2,200 crore annually. Self-Check Exercise 1)    What is the role of agriculture in Himachal Pradesh Economy? 2)    How much does tourism contribute to Himachal Pradesh? 10.4    Tourism in Himachal Pradesh Tourism in Himachal Pradesh is related to the state of Himachal Pradesh in the Indian state of India. It is famous for its Himalayan landscape and popular hill-stations. Many outdoor activities such as rock climbing, mountain biking, paragliding, ice-skating, trekking, rafting and heli-skiing are popular tourist attractions. Himachal Pradesh is now an all-around set and imperative traveller goal and expanding tourism in the state to its potential is the prime focus of the administration for monetary development and success of the state. The nature has given Himachal Pradesh with its unmistakable magnificence and aura with its lavish green valley’s; snow Secured Himalayan extents. Until the British rule, tourism in Himachal Pradesh was limited to a few places around the hills and some spiritual sites. The British developed hill stations during their rule in Shimla, which they called the summer capital of India. After British rule, tourism in Himachal Pradesh was on the rise with the highest number of tourists arriving between the mid-1980s and 1990s. Shimla, the state capital, is popular among tourists. Kalka–Shimla Railway is a mountain railway of India, a mountain railway, which is a UNESCO World Heritage Site Shimla is also a famous skiing attraction in India. The Ridge is a major road in Shimla which is the center of most of Shimla's cultural activities. Other popular hill stations include Manali, Kinnar, Kasol, Parvati Valley, Chamba, Kullu, Kinnar Kailash, and Kasauli. Dharamshala, home of the Dalai Lama, is known for its Tibetan monasteries and Buddhist temples. Many trekking expeditions also start from here. Nestled in Himalayas, the world’s mightiest mountain range, Himachal Pradesh is blessed with some of the most spectacular and beautiful landscapes, anywhere it is a travelers paradise, mighty snow peaks, deep gorges, fast flowing rivers, enchanting lakes and flower filled meadows, its high mountain and valleys are linked by winding roads and high passes makes it paradise. Himachal Pradesh rises from the Shivalik Range to the mighty pir-panjal, choor chandhi and kinner Kailas. Himachal Pradesh is situated in the laps of Himalayas. In the north, it has Jammu and Kashmir and Uttaranchal in the south east. In the south it is downed by Haryana and in the west, it has Punjab. The state consists of 12 districts and having population about 65 lakhs. The total area of the state is 55673 sq. kms. Tourism industry occupies an important place in the economy of Himachal Pradesh. Tourism industry is emerging as one of the major earning sectors of this state economy. The government of HP has given the main priority to tourism industry because there are not proper variables for other production industries. Tourism includes the development of various public utility services like roads, transport services airports, communication network and civil amenities etc. The state government having already banned setting up of polluting industries, along national highways and roads of tourist importance, the department is likely to select such industrial project which are eco-friendly. Tourism industry in Himachal has wide scope of flourish and provides a new direction to the economy of the state. Tourism is only next to hydroelectric power potential in the state with positive scope in maintaining its unpolluted atmosphere. Himachal offers a combination of natural bounty especially in the 30 wild life sanctuaries, 2 national parks, 4 natural parks and 3 game reserves. Himachal Pradesh cultural heritage is its most enduring legacy and this is evident in the charmer the destination exercises on those who discover her enhancement. Himachal Pradesh is a land of ancient mores of rich tradition of cultural heritage that is today its chief tourist’s attractions. Here amid the splendour of her landscape, is exotic destination where the past is only just round the corner, perfectly preserved in beautiful, monuments. Tourism is itself a more extensive term. The products of tourism must permeate down to provincial territories all together that it is really reasonable and dependable. For advancing provincial tourism, towns must be close to existing visitor focuses. Not, even country tourism, state likewise offers new time of nature satisfaction and learning and furthermore gives guests a great presentation to the calm backwoods. This makes it a perfect zone for creating eco-tourism exercises like wilderness safaris, trekking, and shake climbing, outdoors and so on. Different eco-tourism social orders have been built up on CBET (People group Based Eco Tourism) premise to cover the great Himalayan National Stop (Kullu), Himalayan National Stop (Shimla), Renuka Untamed life Haven (Sirmour) and Potter's Slope Van Vihar(Shimla ). The State has shifted geology, atmosphere and woodland cover and is enriched with an immense assortment of widely varied vegetation. At present there are 32 Havens, 2 National Parks and 3 Diversion Holds. Himachal has developed as a critical traveler goal. Extensive number of religious vacationers visits holy places of worship of state reliably. The tourism office proposes to progress and setup enterprise sports " schooling request to prepare youth in Paragliding, Boating , Water sports, Mountaineering, Engine sports and so on in a joint effort with the WHMI Manali and the State Level Affiliations . Indeed, even there is additionally an incredible breadth to setup Spa’s, health resorts to advance wellbeing tourism. Capability of Panchkarma urges us to begin this bigly in the state with a specific end goal to draw in bigger number of sightseers for Panchkarma treatment. Preparing the adolescent in Panchkarma (Ayurvedic School Paprola) will be attempted through the bureau of Ayurveda who will then be utilized in spa ‘sand wellbeing resorts. Advancement of neighbourhood workmanship and the way of life and era of salary work through it are real segments of our tourism arrangement. The direct contribution of Travel and Tourism to GDP is expected to grow by 7.2 % toINR5, 339.2 bn (2.5% of GDP) by 2025. 10.5    Summary In Himachal Pradesh Agriculture, Horticulture and Tourism industry occupies an important place in the economy. Agriculture provides directs employment to the rural population of Himachal Pradesh. In which horticulture has been major contributor to the economy of the state and due to dives climatic condition and topography, Himachal is capable of cultivating wide verities of fruits and vegetables. More than 35 species of different fruits could successful grown in the state. In case of tourism includes the development of various public utility services like roads, transport services airports, communication network and civil amenities etc. 10.6    Answer to self-check exercise 1)    Horticulture has been major contributor to the economy of the state and due to diverse climate condition and topography, Himachal Pradesh is capable of cultivating wide varieties of fruits and vegetables. It generating employment, providing raw material to various food processing industries and higher farm profitability due to higher production and export earnings from foreign exchange. 2)    The Tourism sector, contributes seven percent to the State Gross Domestic Product and provides approximately 14.42 percent of direct and indirect employment, overall contributing over Rs. 14,000 crores to the state economy. 10.7    Suggested Readings Kumar, V. and Sharma, A. (2022). Economic impacts of Tourism in Himachal Pradesh. International Journal of Multidisciplinary Educational Research, Vol. 11,Issue 3 (5),4-12 NITI Aayog. Natural Farming. Himachal Pradesh. https://naturalfarming.niti.gov.in/himachal-pradesh/ Attri, K. (2021). Tourism Potential in Himachal Pradesh: An Overview. International Journal of Advanced Research in Commerce, Management& Social Science, 309312 Horticulture of Himachal Pradesh. HPPCS Notes. Kaushal, R., Thakur, D.S. and Kumar, A. (2017). Growth and contribution of horticulture of Himachal Pradesh : A case study of Kotgarh valley of Shimla District, Himachal Pradesh. International Journal of Advanced research, 5(7), 393-400 10.8    Terminal Questions 1)    Describe the role of Agriculture and Horticulture in the development of Himachal Pradesh Economic Sector. 2)    Is Tourism impact on the economy of Himachal Pradesh? Explain. 3)    Discuss various sector in the development of Himachal Pradesh Economy. Chapter 11 IMPACT OF INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN HIMACHAL PRADESH: E-GOVERNANCE, POWER PROJECTS, MINING AND ENVIRONMENT ISSUES Structure 11.0 Introduction 11.1    Learning Objectives 11.2    Impact of IT 11.3    IT and E-governance 11.4    IT and Environment 11.5    IT and Mining 11.6    Summary 11.7    Answer to self-check Exercise 11.8    Suggested Readings 11.9    Terminal Questions 11.0 Introduction Technology advancements have revolutionized the way people live, work, and interact across the globe. While urban centers tend to benefit immensely from such developments, the effects on rural areas often vary significantly. Himachal Pradesh, known for its landscapes and rich cultural heritage, has seen a gradual integration of technology into its rural communities. 11.1    Learning Objectives: This will help students to understand the Information Technology role in Himachal Pradesh. How e-governance is making smart governance through IT. 11.2    Impact of IT There’s a significant Impact of technology over different rural areas in Himachal Pradesh is following •    Communication: One of the primary effects of technological progress in rural Himachal Pradesh has been the improvement in connectivity and communication. The expansion of mobile networks and the internet has bridged the gap between rural areas and the rest of the world. •    Enhanced Agricultural Practices: Technology has played a crucial role in transforming traditional farming practices in rural Himachal Pradesh. There’s a huge difference in farming practices now days. It lead a good effect in Learning new Farming practices and made it even more pro efficient. •    Economic Opportunities and Entrepreneurship: The advancement of technology has opened doors for new economic opportunities in rural Himachal Pradesh. With the rise of e-commerce and digital marketplaces, local artisans and entrepreneurs can now showcase their products to a global audience, fostering economic growth in the region. Additionally, the emergence of online platforms for freelancing and remote work has enabled individuals from rural areas to explore job opportunities beyond traditional sectors. •    Healthcare and Telemedicine: Access to quality healthcare has been a persistent challenge in rural areas of Himachal Pradesh. However, with technological advancements, telemedicine services have emerged, providing medical consultations and assistance to remote communities. This has not only improved the accessibility of healthcare but also reduced the burden on already stretched healthcare infrastructure. •    Education and E-Learning: Education is another sector that has witnessed a positive impact from technological advancements in rural Himachal Pradesh. The availability of e-learning platforms and digital educational resources has expanded access to education for children in remote areas. Furthermore, technology-assisted learning has enhanced the quality of education by making it more interactive and engaging. •    Preservation of Culture and Heritage: Technology has also played a role in preserving the rich culture and heritage of Himachal Pradesh’s rural communities. Through digital documentation, local traditions, folklore, and customs are being preserved for future generations. Moreover, social media platforms have allowed these communities to showcase their unique cultural practices to a global audience, fostering cultural exchange and appreciation. Self-check Exercise 1)    What is the major impact of IT in Himachal Pradesh? 2)    What is the role of IT in E-governance? 11.3    IT and E-governance In Himachal Pradesh, IT related policy has been formulated in 2001 which promote entrepreneurship, spread digital technology, improve social equality and justice through information technology and increase its contribution to the state domestic product. Electronic governance is defined as the application of information and communication technology for providing government services, exchange of information, transaction integration of existing services and information portal. The State government has taken various initiate to the growth of IR industry in the state which are following: HIMSWAN: It provides secured network connectivity to tell the state government department till block level. It providing high speed connectivity, video services, voice data to all departments. Lok Mitra Kendra: It provides online services, government information scheme to citizen at the panchayat level. It included pension scheme, e-shram card, HRTC/ railway booking, Himachal domicile etc. IT Park: It enhances the skill development for local youth. Through software technology parks of India is being set up in Shimla and Dharamshala, IT part waknaghat. Digi Locker: This app stores a range of document such as school, college marks sheets, password, Id and is operated by the government of India. ICCC: Integrated command and control centre is to be set up in smart city Shimla, Dharamshala. It aims to provide useful information to serval citizen service through one city one app. E-district: It provide citizen centric services electronically in an integration portal. This is also integrated with Lok Mitra Kendras to provide important electronine servces which will reduce the number of citizen visits to government office. CM Dashboard: It provides up to date information of several schemes on a real time basis. It provides single ICT platform to cover all the departments and all deputy commissioner in order to integrate all authorities on a single platform. The following are the outcomes of the E-governance •    It improves and provide effective governance to the state •    It gives transparency and make smart governance •    It also helpful in decentralisation and include the participation of the hilly people •    It also helps to improve social equity and justice through IT •    It also helpful in to promote entrepreneurship 11.4    IT and Environment Issues •    Technology to tackle global warming: Climate change and global warming have now become a global problem. For a long time now, the focus has been on reducing carbon emissions. Even though carpooling and keeping a check on industrialization have been viable solutions, something more concrete is needed. That brings us to mentioning the technologies that assist with carbon capture, utilization, and storage. These include carbon-based concrete, carbon-eating plants, and trapping carbon in rocks. •    Technology to protect endangered wildlife: Even though we may fail to see endangered wildlife as a critical environmental hazard, facts state that this does impact ecological balance in a massive way. Thus, the need of the hour is to protect endangered wildlife, which is where technology comes to the rescue. One of the technological breakthroughs is the smart collars. These come complete with GPS and sensors, which help in keeping track of animals like rhinos and elephants. Additionally, SIM-based collars have been introduced for animals, which come in contact with humans. Such collars help in reducing animal and human conflicts. The introduction of predictive analytics helps in getting comprehensive information about different animal species, which in turn helps in protecting the endangered ones. •    Technology to prevent deforestation: Deforestation has been on the rise worldwide. To cope with this environmental issue, satellite imagery is one technology that is increasingly being relied upon. It is believed that this tool will help protect the forests and allow trees to stand and thrive.The role of this tool is to offer real-time information to conservationists. This tool will also help conservationists in monitoring land changes so that they can identify deforestation and stop it right away. •    Technology to fight pollution: Another major environmental hassle that we as a country have been dealing with for a while now is pollution – More specifically, air pollution and water pollution. The toxins that are mixed in the air and water have a lasting impact on the environment. Thus, it is crucial that we prevent the spread early on. In order to cope with pollution, technology has been used extensively. For instance, there are technologies that help control emissions. These include gravity settling chambers, centrifugal separators, and wet particulate scrubbers. Moreover, sensors have been added to industrial machinery to keep pollution under check. On the other hand, a different set of technologies are used to get rid of toxins from water and wastewater. The focus is on detoxifying water because even though we believe that 70% of the planet is made out of water, today, we are facing extensive water shortages. Some of the technologies used in this regard include coagulation, dialysis, osmosis, foam flotation, and biological methods. The ultimate goal is to make sure that everyone enjoys access to clean water, come what may. Thus, what is necessary is to embrace technology before it is too late! Technology is a prerequisite for a healthy environment A healthy and thriving environment is indeed one of the core things we all need to survive on this planet. To achieve this goal, we shouldn’t ideally mind putting our best foot forward! From what we have just discussed, it is clear that technology has a substantial role to play in protecting the environment and keeping environmental issues at bay. However, to ensure that technology keeps aiding the environment in the right way, it is necessary that the youth be educated about these developments. Spread online instruction to the people to realise how environment protection is important for the existence of human beings. 11.5    IT and Mining •    Increased productivity: As mining companies integrate more advanced technologies into their processes, they experience more efficient operations and improved performance. Greater technologies also enable these organizations to limit spending and boost labor productivity. •    Higher throughput: In many mines, the introduction of solutions like analytics systems has resulted in a global optimum rather than a local optimum, ultimately increasing yield energy throughput for mining organizations. As a result, these technologies raise minimal recovery. •    Maintenance optimization: Technology has helped mines improve maintenance by conducting it on an as-needed basis instead of on a fixed schedule. It has also enabled workers to stay informed on maintenance history and work orders and even predict equipment failures before they occur. •    Improved safety: Automated mining technologies have improved job site safety by taking on operations in dangerous working conditions so that miners don’t have to. Tools like smart sensors have also minimized the frequency of health and safety incidents and injuries. •    Fewer operating costs: In the mining industry, automated technologies have reduced labour and maintenance costs with continuous operation and less variability. •    Minimized environmental harm: Mining technologies have allowed workers to extract mining materials with minimal environmental impact. They have also led to reduced energy consumption. •    Artificial intelligence (AI) solutions in mining use smart data and machine learning to improve mining production, efficiency, and safety. These technologies allow companies to generate data in half the time than what has been previously seen in the field, enabling companies to improve decision-making with faster and more accurate data-driven insights. As a result, the AI technologies’ machine-learning capabilities are heavily influencing how mines make decisions for the future. The use of AI in the mining industry has helped companies more easily locate minerals using these high-performance technologies. AI has also led to the popularization of autonomous equipment, such as vehicles like self-driving trucks equipped to navigate narrow tunnels with ease. Drilling systems have also been impacted by AI, simplifying them to the point of requiring only one operator. Artificial intelligence in mining has ultimately helped minimize costs, reduce environmental impact, and improve safety and reliability. 11.6    Summary The advancement of technology in rural Himachal Pradesh has had a profound impact on various aspects of life. From improved connectivity and agricultural practices to enhanced healthcare and educational opportunities, technology has brought positive changes to the lives of people in rural areas. However, it is essential to strike a balance between embracing technological progress and preserving the region’s ecological and cultural heritage. Government and People must work together to ensure that technological advancements benefit rural communities sustainably, fostering inclusive growth and development in Himachal Pradesh. 11.7    Answer to self-check Exercise 1)    The topography of Himachal is different from another state of India. In this hilly state Information technology play important role to connect various district through communication. As we know the geography division of Himachal considered some areas into plain and some in high according to topography. However, IT not only connected through communication but also provide network to the high-altitude area like Lahul -Spiti, Kinnour, Pangi, Bharmour of Chamba district. 2)    IT sector play important role to make governance into smart governance. It provides transparency to the people and make effective government. 11.8    Suggested Readings Gupta, S and Kaushal, S. Towards an Open governance: E-governance Infrastructure status and challenges Case study on Himachal Pradesh. Abhipedia. E-governance initiatives in Himachal Pradesh. Awasthi, A. (2023). Impact of Technology on rural areas of Himachal Pradesh. NVO NEWS. Information Technology Policy for Himachal Pradesh. PCS Notes 11.9    Terminal Questions 1.    Briefly discuss the role of Information Technology in Himachal Pradesh. 2.    Describe role of Information Technology and E-governance in Himachal Pradesh 3.    How can we protect environmental issues through Information Technology? Critically Examines. ASSIGNMENTS Note: Attempt any Five Questions 4x5=20 1    Write a detail note on Nature and scope of State Politics in India 2    Write a detailed note on politics of statehood in Himachal Pradesh 3    Define voting behaviour and its determinants. 4    Discuss identity politics in Himachal Pradesh with special reference to cast. 5    Discuss in detail about Political Economy of India. 6    Write a detailed note on E governance initiatives in Himachal Pradesh. 7    Write a detail note on Democratic Movement in Himachal Pradesh.