--- title: "Complete Book 0" book: "MA Pol.Sc 203 Final" category: "MA" publisher: "Ratan Prakashan Mandir Pvt. Ltd." type: "Educational Material" ---  According to Latest Syllabus Read For Sure Success In University Examination RATAN TEXT BOOK INDIAN POLITICS II : POLITICAL PROCESSES M.A.Political Science (Sem-II) Dr. Poornima Saxena Published by Ratan Prakashan Mandir Pvt. Ltd. 2nd Floor, Centre Plaza, Parinay Kunj, Lajpat Kunj Marg, Agra-282002 Copyright Authors & Publishers Published by Ratan Prakashan Mandir Pvt. Ltd. 2nd Floor, Centre Plaza, Parinay Kunj, Lajpat Kunj Marg, Agra-282002 ISBN :978-81-69604-00-0 Price 480.00 only Printed at : KIDS INTERNATIONAL PVT. LTD. C-60, 61, 62, 63, EPIP, Shastripuram, Agra - 282007 Ph. : +91 9719004921 | | Contents | |---|---| | | Block-1 | | Unit-1 | Approaches to the Study of Political Processes: Legal-Institutional | | Unit-2 | Meaning, Nature, and Scope of Sociological Approach | | Unit-3 | Political Economy Approach | | Unit-4 | Historical Legacies: Meaning, Evolution type of Colonialism | | Unit-5 | Post colonialism: Phases, Characteristics and impact of colonialism in Indian context | | Unit-6 | State in India: Nationalist Imagination | | | Block-II | | Unit-7 | Politics of Identity: Meaning , dimensions and Caste Politics in India | | Unit-8 | Politics of Tribe in India | | Unit-9 | Politics of Language and Region in India | | Unit-10 | Regional Politics in India | | Unit-11 | Gender Politics: Women Movement | | | Block-III | | Unit-12 | Agrarian Development Policy | | Unit-13 | New Economic Policy: Social and Economic Implications | | Unit-14 | New Economic Policy of 1991: Objectives, Features and Impacts | | Unit-15 | State and Welfare: MNREGA and JNNURM | | Unit-16 | Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee | | Unit-17 | Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) | | | Block-IV | | Unit-18 | Electoral commission and Electoral system | | Unit-19 | Electoral system in India: Its Features and Process. | | Unit-20 | Ideology and Social Base of Political Parties: Congress and BJP | | Unit-21 | Ideology and Social Base of State parties: SAD | | Unit-22 | National Conference: A state party of Jammu and Kashmir | Block -1 UNIT- 1 Approaches to the Study of Political Processes: Legal-Institutional Approach Structure 1 .0 Introduction 1.1    Learning Objectives 1.2    Historical Overview Self check Exercise-1 1.3    Characteristics of Institutional Approach Self check Exercise-II 1.4    Critically Evaluation Self check Exercise-III 1.5    Summary 1.6    Glossary 1.7    Answers to self-check exercises Self check Exercise-1 Self check Exercise-II Self check Exercise-III 1.8    Suggested Reading 1.9    Terminal questions 1 .0 Introduction The ancient Greek political thought scholars, philosophers and political scientists have analyzed and, investigated various types of political issues and incidents from the standpoint of their own perspective and on the basis of the study they have arrived at conclusions and prescribed recommendations. According to Van Dyke the word “approach is defined to denote the criteria employed in selecting the questions to ask and the data to consider in political inquiry”. An approach is the way of looking at a political phenomenon and then explaining it. The approaches and methods to the study of Political Science are many. There are both traditional and modern or scientific approaches. The traditional approaches are highly speculative and normative and the modern approaches are more empirical and scientific in nature. There is two types of approaches that is traditional and modern approaches. In Traditional approaches includes the philosophic, Historical, Legal and institutional approaches. On the other side, a modern approach includes philosophical, sociological, economic, behaviour, Marxist approaches. Though distinct, the institutional method is strongly linked to the legal approach. Notably, this method does not exclusively rely on interdisciplinary fields such as philosophy, history, or law to comprehend politics. It is the only conventional method that offers the methodical study of politics its distinct identity. Politics has historically been defined as the study of the nation and its institutions. The government is an institution in and of itself, as are its several branches, including the Supreme Court, Legislative Assembly, and the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of Parliament. Political parties that dissolve themselves on their own are institutions in their own right. Institutions abound throughout society, including the family, the church, and schools. A political science student will only be interested in institutions that directly affect politics. An institution is, in essence, a collection of offices and agencies that are assigned certain roles and responsibilities within a hierarchical structure. Every office or agency is staffed by an individual with a specific position and status, which is also expected of them by others. Supporters of the institutional approach then go on to research how the government is run, as well as its many branches, political parties, and other institutions that have an impact on politics. Before we begin with the discussion on the institutional approach, it is important to emphasize what institutions mean. A consistent and organized pattern of behaviour or activities established by custom or law can broadly be called an institution. Therefore, an institution means not only bodies like Parliament and Judiciary but also customs and or any other patterned behavior of the society. You might be aware of the fact that marriage is an institution in a sociological study. The disciplinary variations in the definition of the term ‘institution’ should not be surprising. It can, therefore, be argued that political science as a discipline is the study of institutions. This tradition is not new at all and goes as back as to Aristotle. The primary concern of the approach can broadly be understood as to how the institutions nurture the society, subjects or citizens for a better life. Aristotle compared as many as 158 constitutions to understand the normative question which institutions work better. Machiavelli, for example, postulated advice to the institution of the prince so that there shall be proper control of the subjects. Even when Hobbes was writing ‘Leviathan’ he was concerned by the English civil war and therefore propagated for strong institutions. This list of thinkers who were concerned with institutions is non-exhaustive and need not be elaborated here, but it is essential to keep in mind that many thinkers since the beginning were concerned with the institutions in one way or the other. However, the institutional approach as a method became the mainstream much later with its leading proponents Carl Friedrich, James Bryce, A. L. Lowell, Herman Finer and Samuel Finer. Jean Blondel argued in this regard that James Bryce and Lowell are true founders of comparative politics as a distinct branch of study within the political discipline due to their prominent contribution to the field in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Bryce is known for his contributions in the American Commonwealth and Modern Democracies. In his work Modern Democracies, he tried to understand the workings of legislature and its decline. Lowell studied France, Switzerland, Germany, etc., separately and sought to conduct a comparative study of the referendum and its impact. His well-known works include Government and Parties in Continental Europe and Public Opinion and Popular Government. Although scholars before them undertook the study of institutions, Bryce and Lowell argued that such studies were incomplete and did not offer a nuanced argument. They stressed that it is not only essential to study the theoretical bases of the government, but it is equally important to highlight the practices of the government, which was missing in the earlier accounts of the institutional approach. They argued that a researcher must focus both on facts and theoretical arguments for a better understanding of the political system and better comparison. They suggested using both qualitative and quantitative methods in the collection of data. The institutional approach was one of the main pillars of the political science discipline till the first half of the twentieth century. Many scholars tried to understand various institutions. For example, Woodrow Wilson, former President of the United States of America, compared governments of the USA and Europe and pointed to what the American government could learn from European governments. Additionally, the institutional approach has several unique qualities that aid in our detailed understanding of the strategy. A comparison of institutions is the focus of the institutional approach to comparative political analysis. It is clear what the study's focus (institution) and methodology are: comparative. If one were to investigate the relative importance of the upper houses in parliamentary democracies, they would examine the Rajya Sabha in India and the House of Lords in the United Kingdom, among other upper houses, and determine the relative importance of each in each situation. On the basis of this comparative analysis of these institutions, one could then draw conclusions and provide justifications regarding their applicability or even usefulness in parliamentary democracies, such as that the upper houses of parliament's constitution lacks representative character or that the legislatures' democratic nature is undermined by their hereditary nature. Another option would be to examine the historical circumstances that have shaped the development of each upper house by looking at the parliaments' upper chambers. To understand why the House of Lords maintained its hereditary position, one could, for instance, look at the social and economic circumstances of the development of the two chambers of Parliament in the United Kingdom. Then, one may comprehend the circumstances in which the present initiatives and its hereditary character emerged. For an extended period, the primary association of comparative political analysis was with the comparative analysis of institutions. The origins of comparative political analysis can actually be traced back to an examination of institutions. If one were to chart the development of comparative politics as an academic field, the study of institutions would be considered the first indication of the comparative. Aristotle is a significant contributor to this method among the ancient thinkers, while James Bryce, Bentley, Walter Bagehot, Harold Laski, and other modern thinkers are included. Legal Approach The term "legal approach" refers to an effort to interpret politics in terms of the law. It concentrates on the legal and constitutional framework that the various branches of government must operate within, as well as investigations into their individual legal positions, authorities, and the processes that give rise to the legality of their activities. Legal scholars will examine the legal ramifications of various provisions of the Indian Constitution, for example, as supported by the Supreme Court of India's decisions and the opinions of eminent legal scholars. They will also examine the formation and legal status of the Indian Parliament and State legislatures, the election or appointment process, and the positions and powers of the President, Prime Minister, Governors, Chief Ministers, Central and State Governments etc., the position of Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy, the role and authority of the Indian Supreme Court and High Courts, the entire legal ramifications of the federal structure, etc. Comparably, a legal approach to international politics will almost always assess it in terms of what international law requires. Furthermore, for any political process to be successful and long-lasting, it must result in legislation, whether it be a campaign for civil rights, independence for a colonized nation, or specific concessions for particular groups within society. Furthermore, although while it is not as useful in understanding politics as it once was, studying constitutional law, international law, etc., is nevertheless essential to the social and political life of practically every nation. The legal approach addresses legal institutions and procedures and views the state as the author and implementer of law. Cicero, Jean Bodin, Thomas Hobbes, Jeremy Bentham, John Austin, Dicey, and Sir Henry Maine are among its proponents. 1.1    Learning Objectives: After going through this lesson students will be able to: 1.    To understand the legal-Institutional approach 2.    To understand the relevance and use of the institutional approach 3.    To know about the drawbacks of the institutional approach 4.    To study the characteristics of institutional approach 1.2    The Institutional Approach: A Historical Overview The study of institutions has a long history, possibly dating back to Plato's Republic's philosophical investigations of the perfect state. We will try to provide a summary of the historical development of the institutional approach in this part. Since our primary focus is on examining the technique in the context of comparative political analysis, we will also be particularly interested in the historical turning point when the institutional approach began to take on a comparative quality. Aristotle conducted a comparative analysis of 158 Greek city-state constitutions and customs, which is arguably the first study of governance. Aristotle created a typology of governments, separating oligarchies, democracies, and these 'ideal' governments from their 'perverted' variants, and contrasting them with politics in the so-called 'barbarian' kingdoms. At this point, the study of comparative politics was distinguished by what may be called a relationship between values and facts. The analysis of the theory and practice of government as stressed by James Bryce in the late nineteenth century—a topic we shall return to later in this section—was not attempted at this early stage of the study of institutions. Rather, there was a strong urge to investigate "perfect" states and structures of governance. Put another way, rather than an analysis looking for answers for what is or what actually existed, there was more focus on conjectures and queries about what ought to be. The emphasis on empirical data and facts about the current state of circumstances became established with the works of Montesquieu ('The Spirit of Laws') in the middle of the eighteenth century and Niccol Machiavelli ('The Prince') in the sixteenth. However, the majority of Montesquieu's followers were constitutional lawyers, whose line of work required them to focus more on the theoretical (legal-constitutional) framework of governments than on the ways in which these frameworks actually came to be. Tocqueville made another important contribution to the development of this aspect of the institutional approach. In many ways, he was the pioneer of the study of "theory and practice" of governments, which later became the core of the institutional approach in comparative political analysis. He makes significant comparisons between the British Cabinet and the American Executive in his study of the latter. However, Bryce, Lowell, and Ostrogorski were the ones who, in the final quarter of the 1800s, significantly advanced the field of comparative government studies and, consequently, the study of comparative institutions. Self- Check Exercise-1 1.    What do you mean by Approach? 2.    Traditional approach focuses on which elements? 1.3 Characteristics of Institutional Approach 1.    Legalism: The institutional approach gave law central place in a comparison of various institutions. Even in the example of Wilson mentioned above, we can notice the prominence of law through his emphasis on types of government. The prominence of law can broadly be attributed to the fact that the law constitutes the basis of political life and affect the behaviour of citizens in a significant way. Despite its centrality in the approach, scholars differ in their explanation of the relationship between law and society. Guy Peters (1999) holds that the study of law as the basis of political knowledge achieved its height in the Prussian State and thereafter in Germany. 2.    Structuralism: For the scholars of the institutional approach, the structure determined the behaviour. Therefore, major institutional features, the ideal types of government- Parliamentary or Presidential, various models of parliamentary government, and presidential governments were extensively researched. The structures studied in this approach tended to be formal and constitutional. The assumption made by the researcher by the study of structures is that one could predict the behaviour of the system by identifying the salient aspects of the structure. 3.    Holism: The researcher using the institutional approach tended to compare whole systems. the facts to understand the political system and predict future behaviour, rallied for separation of fact from the norm, and engaged in understanding what is instead of the normative question of what ought to be. Further, holistic research of the approach, which has many advantages, makes it difficult not only to generalize but also compare. Macridis (1960) was right in this regard when he pointed out that comparative politics is more descriptive than comparative. To elaborate a little more on this, if we suppose research on the political system of India and England, we try to understand the political system through a holistic approach and study the formal institutions. This method describes the respective political systems rather than comparing them. 4.    Associated to Government Institution: The term "institutional approach" refers to the analysis of government institutions, such as the parliament, the court, and other constitutional bodies, in terms of their operations, surroundings, and composition. It also focuses on the study of legal and formal institutions of governance, constitutions, and the structure of power distribution. 5.    Philosophical, Historical or Ethnocentrism: Other traits or attributes of this institutional approach include ethnocentrism as well as philosophical and historical elements. The primary literature seen as exemplifying the institutional approach in comparative politics has focused solely on the various manifestations of government and institutions in Western nations. Self-Check Exercise-2 1)    Who firstly used Institutional and comparative approach? 2)    What is the focus of Institutional approaches? 1.4 Critical Evaluation of Institutional Approach It is noteworthy that critiques of the institutional method in comparative political analysis emerged in two distinct waves: first, in the early 20th century, and then, once more, in the 1950s. Following every criticism wave, the approach has returned in a renewed version. Prior to the study of institutions gaining some degree of comparative character at the turn of the century, the methodology was criticized for the following reasons: a)    Because of its focus on institutions, it overlooked the person; as a result, sociologists were left in charge of studying people's voting patterns and political attitudes when this approach was in vogue. b)    It ignored the function of numerous informal organizations and processes in influencing politics, as well as the role of violence or the threat of violence, political movements and agitation, war and revolution, etc., because it was only concerned with the established institutions. Configurative and non-comparative, concentrating on specific nations; c)    It is primarily normative and prescriptive; d)    It is primarily concerned with anomalies and regularities without seeking for relationships. f)    Ethnocentric because it focused primarily on democracies in the West and Europe g)    Descriptive because it concentrated on formal structures, such as governments and constitutions h) Analytical but not historical I)    It is impossible to comprehend thoughts from earlier eras in terms of ideas and conceptions from the present. j)    It is surviving parasitically on concepts that are a century old and has failed to create a new political synthesis. k)    It disregarded how different unofficial groups and processes influence politics. Theoretically, contributors to this framework were accused of being partially incomplete and of missing the substance of political life because they were so preoccupied with studying the institutions that they completely ignored differences in cultural settings and ideological frameworks when comparing, for example, the upper chambers of the UK, USA, and USSR. However, we see that the institutional approach's nature and substance changed significantly with Bryce and his contemporaries, attempting to integrate theoretical settings and gaining a limited comparative character. In the 1950s, political scientists like as David Easton and Roy Macridis began to criticize the institutional method, which had been created with Bryce, Lowell, and Ostrogorski. David Easton strongly criticised Bryce's approach in The Political System (1953), branding it as'mere factualism'. According to Easton, this approach had impacted American Political Science toward "hyper factualism." Although Bryce acknowledged that he did not disregard "theories," Easton contended that Bryce's unwillingness to create explanatory or theoretical models had resulted in an abundance of data and, as a result, in "a theoretical malnutrition." (In a later lesson, you will see how Easton's "systems approach" to the study of political phenomena is based on "system building." Therefore, it won't be hard to comprehend why Easton believed that Bryce's methodology had led American Political Science in the wrong direction.) On the other hand, Jean Blondel defends the institutional approach against criticisms such as those made by Easton and aimed at so-called "factualism." Blondel would first contend that political scientists actually had relatively little information at their disposal for a thorough political analysis, hence the accusation of a "surfeit of facts" was unfounded. In actuality, very little was known about the composition and operations of the main institutions in the majority of nations, especially the so-called Third World and communist nations. Therefore, it was imperative that more information be gathered. Given that governments have a tendency to conceal facts rather than disseminate them, this became even more crucial. Second, Blondel thought that proponents of a more global or systemic approach had completely misunderstood the depreciation of the usefulness of information pertaining to institutions and legal structures. A large portion of the overall framework for studying a political phenomenon was made up of institutions and the laws that governed them. Thus, in order to prevent a partial analysis, facts concerning the former had to be contrasted with facts concerning other facets of the political life. In any event, a thorough study required facts. It is impossible to reason without "facts" or "data." This, together with the fact that obtaining data was challenging, made them essential to the study of political analysis. A'reorientation' in the comparative study of government was indicated in 1955 by Roy Macridis. He underlined that comparative study has only ever been "comparative in name." Macridis characterized the institutional approach's attitude as "monographic," "non-comparative," "parochial," and "static." Furthermore, he said that a significant percentage of the work was "essentially descriptive." This resulted from the analysis being 'very restricted' because to its historical or juridical bent. However, it was recognized in the 1950s and remained a concern that there was in fact a lack of data from which reliable generalizations could be drawn. Blondel claims that instead of a "surfeit of facts," there was a "surfeit of models." Blondel stressed that creating models without a factual foundation will lead to false information. Given that knowledge about some countries was more difficult to come by, this false information was likely to influence and occasionally confirm assumptions about the countries. Consequently, W. H. Agor noted in a 1971 article about Latin American legislatures that there was a propensity to claim that legislatures in that region of the world were extremely weak. He said that claims like this were supported by "extremely impressionistic evidence," or statements made in the lack of "facts" that were specifically gathered for the study. As a result, proponents of the institutional approach emphasized the importance of gathering information and coming up with strategies for doing so. Nonetheless, works with a more comparative focus and that featured non-Western nations came after the complaints. Additionally, an effort was made to compare institutions that were not governed by legal or constitutional frameworks. One such study was G. Sartori's Parties and Parry Systems (1976), which included a limited amount of information. Self Check Exercise-III 1.    What is the criticism of legal-institutional approach? 1.5    Summary: In its many guises, the institutional approach has played a significant role in the comparative political process. Whether examining Plato's Republic's ideal state or Aristotle's typology of states in Politics, the study of institutions of government was central to political research. The institutional method in its classical and early modern incarnations was more theoretical and philosophical, focusing on idealized typical states and dictating the standards of perfect governance. The focus of the method on legal-institutional frameworks, or democratic structures, solidified with the work of Montesquieu and his successors. Nonetheless, the conviction in liberal constitutional democracies' institutions did not lead to an examination of how the governing systems operated. Political scientists and legal professionals were frequently drawn to the complexities of the legal-institutional structures or the theoretical framework of governance, at least until the end of the nineteenth century. Thus far, the approach can be described as characterized by an obsession with legal-formal structures of government, liberal democratic norms, and constitutions. Colonial rulers also promoted this strategy to spread European liberal values throughout the former colonies. The elites' attempts to establish institutions across numerous nations found great relevance in the writings of the institutionalists. However, it wasn't until the late 19th and early 20th centuries that academics like Bryce, Lowell, and Ostrogorski broke new ground in the study of institutions by fusing the analysis of the theoretical-legal-institutional framework with actual facts about how they functioned. They also gave the study a comparative advantage by incorporating international institution research into their works. As a result, the technique could be considered to have taken on a restricted comparison character by the first part of the twentieth century. That being said, system theorists such as Easton and Macridis attacked the institutional approach in the 1950s. The approach was criticized by the latter for its overemphasis on facts, lack of theoretical formulations that could be broadly applicable to institutions in other nations, and lack of comparative nature. For their part, these theorists favored developing global or holistic models or systems that could explain how institutions functioned in many nations across the globe. The institutional approach's proponents were heavily criticized for taking a western-centric viewpoint. This approach's influence temporarily faded due to a lack of resources for comprehending the institutions in other emerging and post-communist nations. It did, however, reappear in the 1980s, this time emphasizing facts but not holding back when it came to making broad theoretical claims. The new institutionalism makes use of a range of empirical techniques to comprehend how people are constrained and influenced by structures, norms, and cultures within political institutions. 1.6    Glossary: 1.    Institution: An institution is a social structure in which people cooperate and which influences the behavior of people and the way they live. 2.    Political Process: the process of the formulation and administration of public policy usually by interaction between social groups and political institutions or between political leadership and public opinion 3.    Approach: basically, an approach is the way of looking at a political phenomenon and the explaining it or an approach consists of criteria of selection criteria employed in seeking the problem. 1.7    Answer to Self-Check ExercisesSelf Check Exercise-1 Ans.1. The approaches comes from the latin word appropriare which mean ‘go nearer to’.In short, taking of preliminary steps toward a particular purpose. An approach is the way of looking at a political phenomenon and then explaining it. Ans. 2) Value Self Check Exercise-II Ans. 1) Aristotle Ans. 2) Prescriptive and normative focus on formal structure of government Self Check Exercise-III Ans. 1) The Institutional approach studies the various organs of the government which are mandated by the constitution. The focus is on formal political institutions. The traditional approaches are normative, descriptive and value-based. The approaches have been criticized for being non-scientific and non-empirical by nature. 1.8    Suggested Readings •    Goodin and Kingman, H. (eds). (1996). A New Handbook of Political Science, Oxford, Oxford University Press. •    Gauba, O.P. (2014). An Introduction to Political Theory, New Delhi: Mayur Books. •    Biswal, T. (2013). Comparative Politics: Institutions and Process, New Delhi: Trinity Publication. 1.9    Terminal questions: 1.    Explain the meaning of Legal-Institutional approach. 2.    Critically examine the Institutional approach in detail. 3.    Delineate the historical overview of Institutional approach. 4.    Explain the characteristics and utility of Institutional Approach. Unit-2 Meaning, Nature, and Scope of Sociological ApproachStructure 2.0 Introduction 2.1    Learning objectives 2.2    Evolution and Themes of Sociological approach Self-check Exercise-1 2.3    Importance of Sociological Approach Self-check Exercise-II 2.4    Nature and Scope Self-check Exercise-III 2.5    Summary 2.6    Glossary 2.7    Answer to self-check exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 2.8    Suggested readings 2.9    Terminal Questions 2.0 Introduction Sociological approach is also known as political sociological and is the study of relationship between societies, and politics. Its supporters believe that politics can be studied only in relation to the society as its purpose is to serve the society. Politics, therefore, must have knowledge of society. It emerged from sociology as a subfield within it. Sociological approach is an interdisciplinary approach as it is linked with sociology and many other approaches. This approach believes that social political behavior, political relationship, and political institutions are affected by social factors like: crime, divorce, harassment, and murder. Thus, these social factors give inputs to government and legislators to make policies. After ‘Second World War, and from there it is applied in the political science or comparative politics. Sociological research focuses on how societies actually work in real-world situations rather than on their norms and values. The study is predicated on impartial observations, conclusions, and supporting data that adhere to standards that other people can verify. 2.1    Learning objectives: After this chapter students will be able to learn: 1.    To know about sociological approach. 2.    To understand its relevance to society. 3.    To study scope and nature of sociological approach. 4.    To study themes of sociological approach. 2.2    Evolution of the Approach: This chapter will explore the theoretical foundations of sociology’s founding fathers, and then survey modern applications of these theories as they relate to the developing world. In many respects, sociological explanations and behavioral phenomena are as deterministic as the explanations of Rostowian developmentalists or the Marxian theorists. However, while these two approaches present economically driven grand theories, the sociologists tend to provide a more holistic and comprehensive approach. In many ways, sociological explanations subsume many of the economic and cultural factors that other theorists have posited as central. The essence of this approach is perhaps best summed up by Cyril E. Black, one of its modern contributors. He explains: sociologists have made great progress in analyzing the social structures that form the basis for all human action, and the ways in which the wide variety of structures created by the different peoples of the world perform the functions essential to social cohesion and development. The Founding Fathers Comte, Durkheim, and Weber are regarded as the founders of modern sociology too. Their theoretical framework, however, has influenced scholars far beyond this field, including political scientists, anthropologists, methodologists, and even organizational theorists. Theme of Sociological Approach: It includes study of human behavior including the political behavior, group behavior, and attitude of group culture, society. 1.    Political culture: political culture composes the attitude, belief, emotions, orientation, and values that people or society has toward the concerned political system and its political issues. 2.    Society: society is another important theme of sociological approach and various aspects of society like: institution, organization, government, and people are analyzed under this approach. 3.    Institutions: society is composed of individuals who further form institutions and which are also part of the society. These institutions (legislations, executive and judiciary) play an important role in molding or influencing the character, attitude, attitude and behavior of individuals which are the part of society. 4.    Groups: individuals form not only society but also group based on a network of official relationships or interests. From comparative politics perspective there are various groups formed on the basis of professions. The groups are also studied in this approach. Self-check Exercise-1 1.    What do you mean by sociology approach? 2.    Who is the founder of the sociological approaches? 2.3    Importance of Sociological Approach: Due to its relevance to numerous contemporary issues, sociology has grown to be regarded as the most superior social scientific approach. "Sociology tells us how to become what we want to be," as Giddings correctly noted. Its studies are important in the following ways: The sociological approach examines society from a scientific perspective. Advancement in a number of sectors depends on having a scientific understanding of human civilization. The sociological approach focuses on people as members of society, emphasizing the social nature of man, the reasons behind his group membership, communities, and societies, as well as the relationships between them. This method placed a strong emphasis on society and can be used to clear up any confusion regarding the relationship between the person and the state. The sociological approach promotes personal growth for individuals: Sociology investigates social institutions, such as the family, the home, the school, and the educational system, and how they affect an individual's development. This method also critically looks at the elements that influence both the development of the individual and society. A better social life can be achieved by a sociological approach: understanding society, social groups, social institutions, associations, and their roles, among other things, enables us to live productive social lives. Sociology plays a crucial role in finding solutions to social problems since it studies these issues using scientific research methods and determines their causes. It facilitates governments' efficient program implementation. Individual behavior is studied using a sociological method. Deviations from normal human conduct, such as crime, unemployment, etc., are viewed as social problems. These days, attempts are undertaken to rehabilitate the offenders so they can contribute to society again as they are seen as human beings with mental illnesses. Human culture is enhanced by the sociological method, which has trained us to address issues rationally, including those pertaining to oneself, one's religion, customs, morals, and institutions. It also helps man gain a deeper awareness of himself and his culture. Self-Check Exercise-II 1)    Political Sociology is related to what type of study? 2)    Which theory of Marx laid the Foundation for the sociology of politics? 2.4    Nature and Scope The goal of the sociological method is to comprehend how society and government interact, as well as how competing social forces and interests affect decision-making authority. It is the study of the relationships and exchanges that occur between society and politics, or between the political system and its surrounding social, cultural, and economic contexts. It addresses concerns with political integration and organization, conflict management, and the expression of interests and issues. The independence of the interaction of sociocultural, economic, and political factors is the central issue in all of these worries. The perspectives of behavioralism and institutionalism are different from those of the sociological approach. Legality and formality have been hallmarks of the institutionalists' research, which has focused mostly on institutional forms of political organization. The psychological characteristic, specifically: intentions, attitudes, perception, and the role of persons, has been the primary concern of behavioralists who have concentrated on the individual actor in the political sphere. Studying the political processes of interactions between decision-making institutions and social forces as well as between society and its decision-makers is the responsibility of political sociologists. A new perspective on political analysis is offered by the sociological method. However, it has a tight connection to the topics discussed in political philosophy. As we all know, political philosophy has a rich and lengthy history of political thinking that dates back to the ancient Greek and Indian thinkers. This tradition has been widely continued since Machiavelli, who deviated significantly from the Greek ideal in medieval scholasticism. Karl was the one. Marx's writings, which highlighted the function of the capitalist mode of production and made Marx possible, were crucial to the advancement of sociology. Karl Kautsky's writings on the French Revolution, Mehring's examination of literature, art, and intellectual history, and Grunberg's preliminary research on labor movements and agricultural history were among the early Marxist contributions to sociology. Because Marxist studies of society were closely associated with political activities and party organizations, it is noteworthy that they also emerged outside of academic institutions. The critics of Marxism had a significant role in the formation of sociology as an academic field in the decades that followed the philosopher's death. Max Weber and Emile Durkheim were the most well-known critics. Most of Weber's criticism of historical materialism may be found in his writings on methodology, the State, and capitalism. An attempt was made to separate the social roles of religion from historical materialism's explanation in Durkheim's later publications. The idea that it is more prudent and worthwhile to accept the given and improve it for the benefit of man and society—rather than lamenting the evils of human nature or social circumstances—has been rightly emphasized by a body of thinkers ranging from Aristotle to Tocqueville, given the inevitability of political role in society. In order to reach a compromise and make accommodations, it is savvier to confront and handle it. Despite its seeming wicked nature, conflict is necessary for freedom because it keeps power from concentrating in one place. Political realism of this type acknowledges the value and necessity of political conflict management via negotiation and adjustment between diverse social forces and interests. Understanding the causes and social foundations of conflict as well as the mediation process is the field of political sociology. Scope of Sociological Approach: Investigating and analyzing the relationships between social and political systems is the overarching goal of the sociological method. However, there are certain issues with defining the limits of what is social and political. The topic of what kinds of groups are studied within the field of political sociology is crucial to defining the breadth of the sociological method. Certain academics think that politics is predicated on a stable hierarchy established by the government. As a result, political sociology studies the State rather than the groups since the State is political. The scope of the sociological method has been examined in two different ways by two groups of scholars. Political sociology, according to Greer and Orleans, focuses on the state's organization, legitimacy, the nature of the monopoly of force and how the state uses it, the nature of the subLessons and their relationship to the state, and more. They approach political sociology from the perspectives of representation and participation, consensus and legitimacy, and the connection between political change and economic growth. Political sociology is implied to deal exclusively with matters pertaining to the State. And offer a more comprehensive interpretation of the situation by implying that political sociology, or the sociological perspective, is focused on the reasons behind, trends in, and outcomes of the allocation and operation of power and authority in all social systems. He lists small groups and families, political and governmental institutions, as well as educational and religious organizations, as examples of social systems. When Lipset and Bendix list the primary areas of interest for sociological approaches as voting behavior, the concentration of economic power and political decision-making, political parties, political movements, interest group ideologies, voluntary associations, the issues of oligarchy and psychological correlates of political behavior, and the issue of bureaucracy, they offer a more representative list of topics. According to Dowse and Hughes, the issue of social order and political obedience is one of the substantive concerns of the political sociologist. Richard G. Braungart has pointed out that sociological approach is concerned with the dynamic association among and between three things, namely: 1)    The political process's structure and its socioeconomic origins 2)    How politics affect the surrounding culture and society The four domains that political sociology ought to encompass are as follows: a)    Political systems, including bureaucracy, political parties, interest groups, social class/caste, and factions b)    Political life, including opinion development, political communication, and the electoral process c)    Political leadership (foundations, varieties, and modes of functioning of local power structures) d)    Political development (concept, measuring indices, social basis and prerequisites, and relationship to modernization and social change). To give an example, One may note that political scientists focus on the study of law, local, state, and federal governments, comparative government, political systems, public administration, and international relations, whereas sociologists focus on the various facets of the social system. However, social stratification and political power, socioeconomic systems, political regimes, interest groups, political parties, bureaucracy, political socialization, electoral behavior, social movements, and political mobilization should all be of interest to political sociologists or sociological approaches. The examination of socio-political elements in economic development is a major focus of the sociological approach. Self check Exercise-III 1) . Political Sociology as a distinct subject emerged which year? 2)    According to Weber, in the Modern western societies what are the bases of political authority? 2.5    Summary As we have cited in this chapter that Sociological approach is associated to individual and society. On the other hand, this approach is used to study the relations between individual and society. According to this approach social political behavior, political relationship and political institutions are affected by social factors like: crime, divorce, harassment, and murder. Thus, these social factors give inputs to government and legislators to make policies. August Comte, Durkheim, and Weber are regarded as the renowned exponent of sociological approach. After ‘Second World War, and from there it is applied in the political science or comparative. Scope of this approach is stretched to formation of nation state, society, relations of individuals within asocial set up and etc. this approach is conducive in respect to resolving social problems and enchantment of individual development. 2.6    Glossary: 1.    Society: A society is a group of individuals involved in persistent social interaction, or a large social group sharing the same spatial or social territory. 2.    Sociology: a social science that studies human societies, their interactions, and the processes that preserve and change them is called sociology. 3.    Behaviour: Behaviour represents the interaction between individuals and their external changes. 2.7    Answer to self-check ExercisesSelf Check Exercise-1 Ans. 1). The Sociological approach refers to using theory and experience to go beyong everyday understanding to people and situations. Sociologists study a range of subjects and they have to make sure what they are saying goes beyond common sense. Ans. 2. August Comte Self Check-Exercise-II Ans.1). Politics and Society Ans. 2) Economic Determinism Self Check-Exercise-III Ans. 1) 1950s Ans. 2) Rational-Legal Authority 2.8    Suggested Readings •    Heywood, A. (2022) Political ideologies: An Introduction (fifth edition). Red Globe. •    Goodin and Klingeman, H. (eds). (1996). A New Handbook of Political Science, Oxford, Oxford University Press. •    Gauba, O.P. (2014). An Introduction to Political Theory, New Delhi: Mayur Books. •    Biswal, T. (2013). Comparative Politics: Institutions and Process, New Delhi: Trinity Publication 2.9    Terminal Questions 1.    Explain meaning, evolution, and themes of sociological approach. 2.    Write a note on significance of sociological approach. 3. Explain nature and scope of sociological approach. Unit- 3: Political Economy Approach 3. 0 Introduction 3.1    Learning objectives 3.2    Definitions And Evolution of the approach Self-Check Exercise-I 3.3    Approaches of Political Economy Self-Check Exercise-II 3.4    Scope Self-Check Exercise-III 3.5    Summary 3.6    Glossary 3.7    Answer to self-check exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 3.8    Suggesting books 3.9    Terminal questions 3.0 Introduction Political economy approach the word today is a complex mix of the issues of one sided and unilateral growth with the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer getting poorer and the many topics from possibility of a nuclear arms race to suffrage rights being granted to women in middle-eastern countries Basically Political Economy was more concerned about study of relation of production in the countries born out of the new capitalist order. Later on, economics—a subfield of social science that studies how the economy functions—replicated it, mostly by employing basic instruments and methods. Political economy research currently focuses on studying and comprehending social and political events, with economics and politics not being viewed as distinct fields of study. The socio-political basis of the society is understood in the context of India through the use of the political economy approach. Moreover, this methodology is also employed for researching the different facets or foundations of society. 3.1    Learning objectives: After this chapter students will be able to learn or understand 1.    To understand political economy. 2.    To study about its scope and a utility. 3.    To know about the evolution of political economy approach. 3.2    Definitions of Political Economy Approach: Political economy, according to Friedrich Engels “studies the laws which govern the production and exchange of the material means of subsistence, The Soviet economic theorist and historian Isaak Illich Rubin suggested the definition of political economy as follows “Political economy deals with human working activities, and also deals with production relations who are established among people in the process of production”. Evolution of the Concept: Political economy once refered to the study of the conditions under which society was organized around the production or consumption of goods and services within certain bounds. The famous book "Trade De Economic Politique" by Antonie Montchrection introduced the concept of political economics to France in 1615. Aside from this, Karl Marx, David Ricardo, and Adam Smith all made contributions to this strategy, were recognized as its proponents, and helped to establish it as a separate strategy. A particular framework for comprehending social and political phenomena that does not regard economics and politics as distinct fields is known as political economy. It is predicated on a link between two premises that serve as crucial analytical and explanatory frameworks for the study of social and political processes. Having stated that, it is crucial to remember that, although the notion of political economics emphasizes relationships, it has no singular interpretation. The idea is further separated into liberal or Marxist blocks, depending on the theoretical and ideological traditions, in which economics and politics are perceived. It's interesting to note that the division of politics and economics into distinct fields is a very recent development. Prior to the Middle Ages, economics was not thought of as a distinct or self-regulating field, even in Aristotle's day. The term "economy" originated with Aristotle and meant "the art of Approaches in household management" in Greek. In essence, the idea comes from the Greek words "Oikos," which means "house," and "Nomos," which means "law." The study of household administration came under the study of "politics" as the political evolution in Greece followed the following order: household, village, city, and state. Aristotle took economics into consideration in the first book of Politics. Political economy was seen by classical political economists like Adam Smith as "a branch of the science of a statesman or legislator." The University of Vienna created the first Political Economy professorship in history in 1763. Thomas Malthus was appointed as the first English professor of political economy in 1805. Later, the term "economics," which is used by people who want to base the study of economy on arithmetic and mathematics rather than the structural relationship between production and consumption, largely superseded the phrase "political economy." Regarding the Marxist stance, Marx (1818–1883) often referred about the "critique of political economy," where the phrase was primarily used in regard to the classical writers, in addition to "political economy" as such. Engels provided a definition of political economics in his writings, although Marx never did. According to their definitions, political economy is a study of culture that aims to provide answers to the issues of why the creative forces of society evolve within a specific social form, rather than the study of pricing or scarce resources. Why does the business enterprise framework in which the economic process takes place? Why does industrialization manifest itself as capitalist growth? In summary, political economy studies the ways in which individuals' labor is governed within a particular historical economic system. After decolonization took hold, a variety of perspectives, including institutional, political sociological, and political economic, influenced our knowledge of the interactions between different countries as well as particular political and social events. These were primarily designed to investigate the mechanisms by which resources were allocated as well as the ways in which societal ideals were passed down. All of these would eventually serve as the foundations or standards alongside many nations, and cultures might be categorized according to a hierarchical scale of growth and even be perceived as evolving along a trajectory of change and development. A number of hypotheses were proposed as conceptual frameworks to explain this shift. The modernization thesis was one of these, emerging in the historical setting of the collapse of the European and Japanese empires and the start of the Cold War. Self-Check Exercise-1 1)    What do you mean by political Economy? 2)    Who are the founders of political economy approach? 3.3    Approaches of Political Economy Modern Development of Approach: From 14th to 17th century mercantilism dominated the political economic understanding of activities of the state. It emphasized that state should promote military power to enhance its economic power or vice versa this theme is followed by the liberal theory political economy that focused on laissez fair. This theory had been modified by welfare state theorist who advocated for the positive side of the state in order to bring welfare for the people in this episode arrival of Marxist theory was consider landmark in order to comprehend the economic dimension of any social and political phenomena. Hence, we can draw the political economy approach into two parts: Liberal political Economy and Marxist Political Economy. Liberal Political Economy: John Locke and Adam Smith are the two pillars of early liberal along with David Richardo and Malthus who shaped the early liberal political economy. John lock tried labour to private property and wealth. He argued that production is the consequences of the individual labour effort to satisfy human needs. The liberals believed that private property should be protected and the production of wealth is based on the incentives to work as the right to property is entitled to the individuals. Adam Smith in classical work ‘Inquiry into the nature and cause of wealth of Nations’, provided major themes of political economy. David Richardo in ‘Principle of Political Economy and Taxation’ criticizes the Smithian political economy and offered refinements to it. He advocated the accumulation of capital as the basis for economic explanation. He argued that restriction on private investment should be eliminated and the government should not intervene in the economy and this understanding of political economy fostered the idea of laissez-faire. Among other classical liberals, Thomas Malthus in ‘Principle of political economy’ and Jeremy Bentham are important people who contributed to political economy. Malthus contribute a theory of population to the concept, argued that population reproduces faster than food production so that unless population growth is checked, the masses would face starvation and death. Thus, government should not aid the poor for such action, because it drains wealth and income from the higher sections of the society. Liberal theories of political economy would include developmental or modernization theories, which were the dominant theories during the 1950s and 1960s. These theories were based on the experience of western liberal capitalist societies. Marxist Political Economy: Marx had an excellent understanding of political economy not only for the contemporary society but also of the past for the future. His work with Frederick Engels ‘Manifesto of Communist Party’ start with a specter is haunting Europe- the specter of communism and the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of ‘class struggle’. The analysis of historical society by Marx was complete political analysis of history. To understand Marxist political economy, it is necessary to understand the mode of production, forces of production, means of production and relations of production as base and base and superstructure. Marx was the first thinker who founded the idea of scientific socialism and argued that ‘matter’ (economy) is the essence of the universe and all social institutions are the manifestations of changing economic condition. According to Marxist theory Political Economy, any political and political phenomena can be understood in terms of ‘Base and ‘Superstructure’ consist of the mode of production while superstructure is represented by its legal and political structure, religion ,moral social practices, literature art ,culture, and so on. Mode of Production has two components: force of production and relations of production. Forces of production cannot be remaining static because it is very dynamic in nature; they have inherent tendency of development in the direction of achieving the perfect society. It has two components: means of production (toils and equipment, technology etc.) and labour power human knowledge etc. This theory also includes other Marxist theories like Dependency theory and World System theory in relation to study of political process. Self-Check Exercise-II 1) . Who coin the term Political Economy? 2) . What are the three types of political economy? 3.4    Scope of Political Economy Approach: Due to its diverse use in Political Science, it has wider scope and which are mentioned below 1.    Economic Sphere: basically, this sphere is absolutely or majorly ruled by the political and economic approach, because economics focuses on market by leaving the political governments, state, institutions, and legal or formal framework as given without any manipulation. In addition to this, other economic matters and economic relations in the society also come under this approach. 2.    Use in Sociology: basically, Sociology studies the effect of person’s involvement in society as a member of group. Many scholar to know about relation between society and individual especially economic relations, often go through this approach. 3.    Political Science: it focuses on the interactions between institutions and individuals, the way in which former shapes the policies and plans and the latter change institutional framework, there is a need of political approach to study the relations between them. 4.    Anthropology: Generally, it is associated to study of human science or humanity in scientific way. As far as political economy approach is concerned to anthropology, it studies relationship between the world of capitalist system and local culture. 5.    Ecology, environment, and culture: ecology has directly to deal with or go through the political economy approach, because human activity has the greatest effect upon the environment. Thus, environment issues and economics activity of individual seems interconnected with each other, and to study this nexus political economic approach is necessary. Its central concern is the environmental suitability for human activity. Except it, political economy approach is also used in their cultural studies of social classes, gender, and labour etc. 6.    International politics: political economy approach is very widely used in international politics and in respect to global issues. To knows about the relationship between two countries in contemporary politics especially in respect to economic affairs. Trade and bilateral relations between two countries can be studied by this approach. Self-Check Exercise-III 1.    What is the relationship between Politics and Economics? 3.5    Summary Highlighting the global disparity between the rich and the poor in both developed and emerging nations, as well as the reality that a rise in revenue and growth may not always translate into an improvement in living standards, since there are numerous other factors at play. The political economics of development, several significant political economy theories of development, and their applicability to India and the rest of the globe are covered in this chapter. Income cannot be the only determinant in development, as this seems to be the outcome of economics monopolizing the discussion of development issues, particularly as it developed in wealthy nations. In essence, the income strategy controls the process of capital accumulation by large corporations headquartered in wealthy nations. This chapter also demonstrates the ways in which political economics theories are used in a variety of contexts to define how people relate to one another. The political economy of development is, by definition, concerned with determining men's positions according to economic relations. Political economics demands that it handle the full spectrum of civil society institutions in addition to the market and the state. It shouldn't just concentrate on NGOs, the market, or the government. The chapter also illustrates the limitations of capital accumulation and FDI inflows as growth strategies.A significant retreat of the state and disillusionment followed the Liberalization, Privatization, and Globalization (LPG) package proposed by the IMF and World Bank to rescue weak and impoverished economies from their crises. A political economy approach cannot support a paradigm for development that limits people's freedom of choice while also avoiding a predefined, universal approach to development. 3.6    Glossary Political: refers to governance, or the activity of government that involves formulating laws for the betterment and welfare of the people. The social science of economics examines the creation, exchange, and use of products and services. Evolution is the process through which certain creature types disappear, other creature types emerge, and existing creature types change physically over time. 3.7    Answer to self-check ExerciseSelf Check Exercise-1 1.    Political economy is a field of study within social science that examines the dynamic that arises between the people and their government in a country when policies are implemented. Answer 2: The first works in political economy are typically credited to the British academics David Ricardo, Thomas Malthus, and Adam Smith. They were the first to address the subject in a methodical manner. Self Check Exercise-II 1)    Adam Smith is generally the father of economic and father of the political economy 2)    Capitalism, socialism, communism Self-Check Exercise-III Ans.1 Politics and economics are related, and this link functions and manifests itself in various ways, according to the political economy approach to the study of comparative politics. 3.8    Suggested Readings: •    Krishna, R. (2018). Comparative Government and Politics, New Delhi: K.K Publication. •    Kaur, G.P. & Sehgal, S. (2012). Dynamics of International Relations: moving from International to Global Theory and issues. New Delhi: Atlantic Publication. •    Biswal, T. (2013). Comparative Politics: Institutions and Process, New Delhi: Trinity Publication. 3.9    Terminal Questions: 1.    Explain meaning and definition of political economy approach. 2.    Describe the scope of political economy approach. 3.    Write a note on evolution process of political economy. Unit- 4Historical Legacies: Meaning, Evolution type of Colonialism 4.0 Introduction 4.1    Definition of colonialism 4.2    Learning Objectives 4.3    Evolution of colonialism Self-Check Exercise-I 4.4    causes of colonialism Self-Check Exercise-II 4.5    Types of colonialism 4.6    Summary 4.7 . Glossary 4.8    Answer to self-check exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 4.9    Suggested Readings 4.10    Terminal Questions 4.0 Introduction: Imperialism and colonialism are frequently used synonymously. The word colonialism is derived from the Latin word "Colonia," which denoted a "farm" or colony and was used to describe Roman settlers who kept their citizenship while settling in other areas. Around 1550 BC, ancient Greece, Rome, Egypt, and Phoenicia began to expand their borders and sphere of influence to neighboring and non-contiguous areas, which is when colonialism and imperialism first emerged. These ancient civilizations used their greater military might to construct colonies that exploited the people's resources and skills, which allowed them to conquer new territory and enlarge their empire. On the other hand, colonialism denotes the hegemony over people's lives and cultures. Extraction of economic benefits from the colony is colonialism's primary objective. Native Americans' lives are controlled in the political, economic, cultural, and social domains as a result of colonialism. In contrast to imperialism, which is more formal and forceful, it is more subdued. The first phase of modern colonialism started in the 15th century during the age of exploration, when Portuguese explorers conquered the North African territory of Ceuta in 1419, beginning the longest colonial empire that lasted until 1919. They were searching for new trading routes and civilizations outside of Europe. Later, in 1492, Spanish adventurer Christopher Columbus set out to find a western path to China and India. As the French and Dutch established their overseas empires and the British joined them, colonialism began to flourish in the 17th century. 4 .1 Definitions of Colonialism According to Oxford English Dictionary “A settlement in a new country, a body of people who settle in a new locality, forming a new community subject to or connected with their parent state; the community so formed, consisting of the original settlers, as long as the connection with the parent state is kept up”. Chase-Dune “The direct organization of formal political-military control over peripheral areas by the core states” Chase-Dune “A colonial empire in which one of the core states within an interstate system exercises formal political domination over territories abroad”. International Encyclopedia of Social Science “colonialism is the establishment and maintenance for an extended time of rule over an alien people that is separate and subordinates to the ruling power. Colonialism has now come to be identified with rule over people of different inhabiting race separated by salt water from imperial center”. 4 . 2 Learning Objectives Following this lesson, the students will be able to: •    To recognize the many forms of colonialism; •    To gain an understanding of the meaning of colonialism and its history; 4.3    Evolution of colonialism in India There are no noteworthy facets of the British occupation of India that need discussion. The British learned by experience, and as a result, they were fairly effective at handling the issues of a vast colony like India. Their experiences from one area of India were either expanded upon or adjusted in other parts. To serve the interests of newly formed social groups in Britain, a fresh strategy was required due to the changes in British society. The dynamics of British society, which saw several changes, shaped the fundamentals of British colonial policies in India. Modern British civilization developed via phases such as industrial capitalism from competitive industrial capitalism to monopolistic industrial capitalism, and from mercantile capitalism to industrial capitalism. While the goals of industrial capitalism were market-oriented and required the Indian colony to purchase manufactured goods from Britain and supply raw materials, the interests of mercantile British capitalism were focused on commerce with India. British colonial policies in India were thus directly impacted by social and economic developments in Britain. The British government granted the British East India Corporation a legal charter for commerce in1600, and this trading corporation soon began capturing India. When Robert Clive defeated the Nawab of Bengal in 1757, the conquests officially started. From the pivotal Battle of Plessey in 1757 until the Indian War of Independence in 1857, the East India Company dominated India for a century. After the British won this battle against the Indians, Queen Victoria took over as India's ruler in 1858. Following the dissolution of the East India Company, India's government was directly under the purview of the British Parliament, a role that persisted until 1947. Self Check Exercise-1 1.    What do you mean by colonialism? 2.    When Colonialism started in India? 4.4    Causes of Colonialism Finding of New Trade Routes and territories: Following the discovery of new trade routes and territories, the majority of the western powers rushed to these locations in an effort to expand and provide new markets for their home countries. •    Economic Consideration: The main reason that nations like England, France, Spain, and Portugal founded their colonies was for economic gain. These nations sought to expand their manufacturing empire into new markets. In an effort to acquire fresh sources of raw materials to boost their economies, they have also made inroads into Asia, Africa, and Latin America. A great deal of settlers, troops, and administrators left the Western Hemisphere as part of the European colonization effort with the intention of acquiring territory and taking advantage of the area's relative virginity. •    Mercantilism: The foundation of mercantilism was the idea that the economic growth of the mother country (Metropolis) was paramount and that colonies ought to be managed to best serve their mother country. The majority of colonies were viewed as tools for the colonizer and served as a supply of raw materials for their home nations. •    European Rivalry: Spain and Portugal initiated the exploration and colonization. Other nations including France and England eventually joined the contest. Gaining new colonies turned into a source of pride for the country. Moreover, a phase of "competitive colonialism" among the European powers began as a result of the numerous economic advantages of colonization. •    To Spread Christianity: By converting native peoples, the Catholic Church launched a significant campaign to spread Christianity throughout the New World during the Age of Discovery. As a result, the founding of Christian missions coincided with the colonization initiatives of European nations like Portugal, Spain, and France. Even in India, there are still a number of Christian churches located in the nation's isolated and tribal areas. These were set up to entice Tribal and Dalit people to become Christians by offering them money and other material possessions. •    Push factors: An overabundance of sheep was being produced by the enclosure movement, which removed area from farming and turned it into pastureland for the animals. Sheep farming required fewer laborers and was more profitable than traditional agriculture. There was job for these idle people in the new regions of America. Self Check Exercise-II 1) . what are the reasons for colonization? 2)    Who started colonialism? 4.5    Types of Colonialism Historians have classified four different types of colonialism that have been practiced throughout the ages. They are as follows: Settler Colonialism: This refers to mass immigration, driven primarily by political, religious, and economic considerations. The net effect will be a significant replacement of any current local population. The colony under consideration will mostly be utilized for agricultural endeavors. Settler colonialism can be seen in the former colonies of Australia, the United States of America, and Canada. Exploitation colonialism: It is the practice of using the native population and natural resources as cheap labor to further the economic interests of the mother country. One instance of this is the employment of local labor in South East Asia and India, where the native population was exploited as slave labor to grow cash crops like rubber and tea. Surrogate colonialism: It is the practice of a colonial authority supporting a settlement project in which the majority of the settlers are not members of the same ethnic group as the ruling power. Surrogate colonialism was used in South Africa and Rhodesia (present-day Zimbabwe and Zambia), where a sizable influx of British settlers overtook the native people despite their relative minority status. Internal colonialism: It is the idea that certain regions of a state have unequal or even discriminatory power structures. The transfer of power and exploitation from white colonizers to white immigrant populations in recently independent nations serves as one example of this. Self-Check Exercise-III 1.    What do you mean by settler colonialism? 4.6    Summary The British rule in India came to an end on 15Ih August 1947. For decades Indian nationalists had resisted the British colonial power and tried to counter its hegemony. Nationalists used certain ideological and cultural markers to develop the conception of the Indian nation. The British contended that India was not a nation and would never become one because its people were divided along caste and communal lines. The retreat of colonial power was only a partial success as the Imperial power succeeded in dividing the subcontinent according to its own design. The partition also ensured that the institutional patterns created by the colonial power remained intact. The transfer of power to the Congress and Muslim League in two parts of the subcontinent also silenced the radical voices and discourses regarding the post-colonial political scenario. Although, India under Congress opted for a democratic and secular political set-up, the new polity suited the interests of a new ruling bloc of capitalists. Gradually, the conservative social change that ends the colonial rule was introduced from 'above', abandoning earlier mass-mobilization forms, state -Establishment which also shaped the destiny of the Indian people. 4.7    Glossary: 1.    Colonialism: It is the act of one people or power controlling another people or region, usually through the establishment of colonies and usually with the intention of gaining economic domination. 2.    Trade: is basically an exchange, voluntary in nature between two parties in requirement of each other’s resources like goods and services. 4.8    Answer to self Check ExerciseSelf Check Exercise-1 Ans.1) Colonialism is the pursuing establishing and maintaining of control and exploitation of people and of resources by a foreign group of people. Modern colonialism developed a coloniality which complemented military colonial control through intersectional violence and discrimination, developing modern bio politics of sexuality, gender, race, disability and class among others. Ans. 2) 1751 Self Check Exercise-II Ans. 1) Historically, generally recognize three motives for Europeans (because they are started the colonialism) exploration and colonization in the New World reason of God, Gold and glory. Ans. 2) The first wave began in the 15th century of colonialism, during Europe’s Age of discovery. During this time, European countries such as Britain, Spain, France, and Portugal colonized lands across North and South America. Self-Check Exercise-III Colonialism is the act of one people or power controlling another people or region, usually through the establishment of colonies and usually with the intention of gaining economic domination. Colonizers may impose their economics, language, religion, and other cultural norms during the colonization process. Large-scale immigration as a result of political, economic, or religious conflicts is a component of settlers colonialism. Trade and business, including the export of products and even the slave trade, are examples of colonialism's exploitation. 4.9    Suggested readings: •    Basu, R. (2012). International Politics: Concepts, Theories and Issues, New Delhi: Sage Publications Pvt. Ltd. •    Loomba, A. (2005). Colonialism/ Post colonialism, New York: Rutledge Publications. •    Bandhopadhyay, S. (2005). Decolonization in South Asia: Meaning of •    Freedom in Post- Independence. Hyderabad: Oriental Blackswan. •    Young, J. C R. (2016). Post Colonialism: An Historical Introduction, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd. •    Baylis, S. et.al (2014). The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations, London: Oxford University Press. 4.10    Terminal questions 1.    Explain the meaning and nature of the Colonialism. 2.    Describe the Characteristics of India’s Economy during Pre-Colonial Period. 4.    Explain meaning, definition, and various phases of colonialism in Indian context Unit- -5Post-colonialism: Phases, Characteristics and impact of colonialism in Indian context 5. 0 Introduction 5.1    Learning Objectives 5.2    Phases of Colonialism in India Self-Check Exercise-I 5.3    Characteristics of Colonialism in India Self-Check Exercise-II 5.4    Impact of colonialism from Indian and Western point of view Self-Check Exercise-III 5.5    Summary 5.6    Glossary 5.7 . Answer to self-check exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 5.8    Suggested Readings 5.9    Terminal Questions 5.0 Introduction Around 1550 BC, ancient Greece, Rome, Egypt, and Phoenicia began to expand their borders and sphere of influence to neighboring and non-contiguous areas, which is when colonialism and imperialism first emerged. These ancient civilizations used their greater military might to construct colonies that exploited the people's resources and skills, which allowed them to conquer new territory and enlarge their empire. On the other hand, colonialism denotes the hegemony over people's lives and cultures. Extraction of economic benefits from the colony is colonialism's primary objective. Native Americans' lives are controlled in the political, economic, cultural, and social domains as a result of colonialism. In contrast to imperialism, which is more formal and forceful, it is more subdued. The first phase of modern colonialism started in the 15th century during the age of exploration, when Portuguese explorers conquered the North African territory of Ceuta in 1419, beginning the longest colonial empire that lasted until 1919. They were searching for new trading routes and civilizations outside of Europe. Later, in 1492, Spanish adventurer Christopher Columbus set out to find a western path to China and India. As the French and Dutch established their overseas empires and the British joined them, colonialism began to flourish in the 17th century. 5.1    Learning Objectives •    To know about legacies of colonialism in India; •    To understand impacts of colonialism on India; •    To know understand various characteristics of colonialism; 5.2    Phases of Colonialism in India The first stage (1757-1813) represents the mercantile phase: This ‘mercantilist’ phase was marked by direct plunder and the East India Company’s monopoly trade functioning through the investment of surplus revenues in the purchase of Indian finished goods for export to England and Europe. During the mercantile phase the aim of all activity was to accumulate wealth. In order to pursue a favourable trade, the British company started aggressive policies in India. The government passed the Regulating Act and the Pitt’s India Act to gain more and the direct control over the affairs of the company. The company officials transferred their fortunes acquired in India to England. The financial bleeding of India started with the British gaining hegemony over Indian territories. New revenue settlements were imposed upon the agrarian structure. They fought several wars, crushed many princely States, and brought them under the colonial authority. Soon the mercantile phase came to an end. Second stage (1813-1860) represents the free trade phase: By the dawn of the 19th century, the British became an industrial power following Industrial Revolution in England. It needed raw material to feed its industries. The emerging capitalist class found the Company a stumbling block for its market. During this period, India was converted rapidly into a market for British textiles and a great source for raw materials. Traditional handicrafts were thrown out of gear. The Company’s monopoly in India was bitterly attacked by the British industrial community. Thus, the need for raw material and markets for the British manufactured goods resulted in the formulation of free trade policy towards India. The special feature of this policy was that it was a one way traffic wherein British goods entered India virtually free while Indian products entering Britain faced high tariffs. The protective policy towards British trade was thoroughly guarded, leaving India-made products to face stiff competition. The revenue and expenditure policies of the Britishers were also exploitative in nature. Huge expenditure (expenditure on army, pensions, and salaries of Englishmen, etc.) incurred by the British imperial power had been borne by Indians by paying high doses of taxes. Third stage (1860 Onwards) Represents the Finance Capital phase During this phase, finance-imperialism began to entrench itself through the managing agency firms, export-import firms, exchange banks, and some export of capital. Britain, of course, kept India as her most important colony where British capital could hope to maintain a haven. For her survival, Britain decided to make massive investments in various fields (rail, road, postal system, irrigation, European banking system, and a limited field of education, etc.) in India by plundering Indian capital. It is said that ‘railway construction’ laid the foundation for a new stage of colonial exploitation. With the opening up of the country, private capitalist investment from Britain came to India. But unfortunately, such British investment was not meant for India’s industrial development. The basic motive behind such investment was the commercial penetration of India, its exploitation as a source of raw materials and markets for British manufactures. This was, in fact, one of the principal contradictions of imperialism-colonialism in India. Britain’s supremacy in the world economy for nearly 200 years lay in the utter neglect and plunder of her most important colony India. India’s economic life was redirected towards servicing the interests of British imperial power. Internal needs of the country were of no concern to the lone colonizer of the world. Self-Check Exercise-1 1) . who was the first to colonize India? 2) . what company originally colonized India? 5. 3 Characteristics of Colonialism in India India's economy was stable before to colonization. Among the characteristics of the Indian economy were rich handcraft industries, thriving trade, and self-sufficient agriculture. Let's examine each one separately. Agricultural Economy: Subsistence farmers in small village communities throughout India conducted their agricultural operations. In pre-colonial India, the majority of villages were essentially self-sufficient economically, with their only transactions with the outside world being the payment of land income (usually in kind) and the acquisition of a few necessities from the adjacent town. The farmer only produced the crops he required for his own consumption, sharing the rest with the village artisan who provided him with the basic manufacturing he needed for his household needs. The communication methods available were somewhat archaic. Trade in agricultural products was therefore considerably restricted. Typically, the farmer produced enough food for the non-agricultural residents of the village as well as himself. If his crop produced more than was needed for consumption because of favorable weather, he kept the excess for use in the hard years. For pre-colonial farmers, storing food grains was a standard practice and the only way to prevent famines in these circumstances. During the Middle Ages, agriculture followed this trend. However, when new forces exerted pressure towards the end of the 18th century, the village community started to disintegrate, giving the Indian rural economy new vitality. There were two key reasons why this occurred: (1) The modifications to property relations resulting from the adoption of new land tenure systems, which you will read about in Pre-Colonial and Colonial India later in this chapter. (2) The growth of a robust export market for Indian agricultural products. Both of these developments were brought about by interaction with the West through the foundation of British administration. Trade Economy: India had substantial trade both within its own borders and with neighboring countries in Asia and Europe, despite the fact that its villages were mainly self-sufficient and had archaic modes of communication. It was maintained that imports and exports were in balance. Pearls, wool, dates, dried fruits, and rosewater from the Persian Gulf; coffee, gold, medicines, and honey from Arabia; tea, sugar, and silk from China; gold, musk, and woolen cloth from Europe; and paper from Europe were among the goods brought into India. Textiles made of cotton were India's top export. India exported rice, wheat, sugar, pepper, opium, raw silk, precious stones, pharmaceuticals, and other items in addition to its well-known cotton textiles. Prior to colonization, the two main characteristics of Indian commerce were (i) a positive trade balance and (ii) international trade that was best suited to India's level of manufacturing. An excess of exports over imports, or India exporting more than it needed to import, was indicative of a positive trade balance. India's economy was mostly self-sufficient in agricultural and handicraft goods, thus it did not require significant imports from outside and was able to maintain a healthy Wade. Second, India's international trade perfectly matched its needs. Put another way, India benefited from the commodity pattern, which is crucial to every nation's international trade. India imported the goods it required and exported the goods in which it was an expert. The pattern of commodities traded by India's international commerce saw significant changes between pre-colonial and colonial periods. India's export surplus persisted, but the country's international trading pattern shifted. For example, India's rich heritage of handicrafts was destroyed when it changed from being an exporter of cotton textiles to an importer of cotton textiles. Handicraft Industries: As was previously said, India was a manufacturing powerhouse. The world was aware of the great skill of Indian craftspeople. In actuality, India's superiority in domestic manufacturing was the driving force behind its favorable overseas trade. India engaged in the large-scale production of mineral and metallic goods such weapons, metal wares, oil, sugar, jute, cotton, and silk fabrics. The textile industry flourished in towns like Dacca in Bengal, Patna in Bihar, Surat and Ahmadabad in Gujarat, Jaunpur, Varanasi, Lukhnow, and Agra in Uttar Pradesh, Multan and Lahore in the Punjab, Masulipatnam and Visakhapatnam in Andhra, and Coimbatore and Madurai in Madras. Kashmir was a manufacturer of wool. Bengal, Maharashtra, and Andhra were important hubs for the shipbuilding industry. Towards the end of the 18th century, which was unquestionably one of the most important centuries for global trade and industry, numerous European companies purchased ships from India. India's standing was totally damaged during the colonial era. Its origins can be seen in England's aftermath of the Industrial Revolution. The native manufacturers started to give way to English machine-made textiles. The artisans of India were driven from the workforce. The fall of India's ancient centers of economic activity, such as Lukhnow, Ahmadabad, Mutan, and Madras, was caused by the emergence of Modern India. Small-scale industries: The rural and backward nature of the Indian economy during the colonial era was another feature of the system. A sizable portion of India's populace worked in small-scale industry. The industries that made leather belts, little toys, pottery, and shoes were among these small-scale businesses. These sectors were a key source of income for individuals because Asia and India lacked industrialization and technology. However, large-scale enterprises powered by technology and machines gradually displaced these ones over time. Self-Check Exercise-II 1.    What was the economic impact of colonialism? 5.4. Colonial Rule's Effects from an Indian and Western Perspective The Indian nationalist academicians presented an alternative theory in opposition to this. The Indian nationalist viewpoint was embodied by Dadabhai Naoroji, Romesh Chandra Dutt in the 19th century, and Rajni Palme Dutt in the 20th century. They posed the question, "Why did the British East India Company progressively become involved in local conquest wars and precolonial conflicts?" Why did the British Queen assume direct Colonial India rule over India in 1858 and continue to do so until 1947? How did the East India Company, which arrived in India with a mere & 68,000 in trading capital, become extremely wealthy? How could the East India Company and its expenses survive if the Indian economy was indeed in a state of stagnation? The nationalists emphasized two key facets of British colonial control over India: the "deindustrialization" doctrine and the "drain theory." The Theory of Drainage According to the nationalists, the drain theory described the process by which a sizable portion of India's national wealth was shipped to England at no profit to India. Put differently, India was forced to make a covert homage to the English nation. Clearly, this drain of India's income to England—through house charges, profits on British capital invested in India, and wages to British officials sent there—benefited England and reduced opportunities for investment in India. "Since the East India Company and private traders could appropriate Indian goods or tribute or profits without really paying for them after gaining dominion over India," notes Arniya Bagchi. Bullion was no longer needed in India for Britain to maintain account balance. Rather, bullion was now exported from India to Britain or China. According to Bagchi's estimation, the "external drain" from Bengal made up approximately 3 to 4 percent of the country's GDP. An elementary principle of economic development is that surplus is generated for investment, but if the surplus is siphoned off from a colony to the colonizers, the colony gets underdeveloped. Bagchi claims that if expenses for East India Company wars are added during this period, "that at least 5 to 6 per Lent of resources of the ruled land were siphoned off from any possibility of". This was the effect of external depletion on the Indian economy during British colonial control, beginning with Bengal during the Plassey conflict. But the British government's exploitation of India included more than just external outflow; it was also fueled by high taxes and unfair commercial practices. The British reaped enormous benefits from the exploitation and pillage of India. "India is the pivot of our Empire," wrote Lord Curzon. We can endure if the Empire loses any more of its Dominion, but if we lose India, our Empire's sun will have in 1765, the Company acquired the Diwani, or civil administration rights, of Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa, which created fresh avenues for the Company to loot. The Company sent the land revenue to England as a result of the Diwani rights. Until the end of the eighteenth century, when England transitioned from commercial capitalism to the industrial revolution and the burgeoning industrial capitalists in Britain began demanding the end of Company control in India, the Company maintained its monopoly of plunder and exploitation. Industrial Decline Modern India's Emergence In addition to the external drain theory, nationalists contended that India's deindustrialization was caused by British rule. When the Company first began trading, India was an exporter of cotton products, but over time, it turned into an importer of cotton products as well. As a result, Indian traders, artisans, and significant centers of commerce all failed, and any remaining manufacturing was completely destroyed by the impact of imports of cotton products, which came primarily from Britain. Up until 1913, India was the primary importer of cotton goods from Britain for almost 75 years, accounting for over 40% of the country's exports. As a result, Indian cotton manufacturers declined and eventually vanished as & gland industrialized. Consequently, India saw a continuous decrease in the number of people reliant on native industries starting in the early 19th century, which overburdened the country's agricultural sector. Sumit Sarkar summarized it as follows: "The sufferings of artisans have to be kept in mind as a significant factor in the understanding of many movements of our period: both in the way in which deindustrialization stimulated patriotic sentiments among intellectuals alike in the Moderate, Extremist and Gandhian eras, as well as more directly, in occasional urban and rural explosions of various types". The decline of thriving towns like Dacca, Surat, Murshidabad, and many more is evidence of India's deindustrialization. Sir Charles Trevelyan wrote in 1840: "The population' of the town of Dacca has fallen from 1,50,000 to 30,000 or 40,000 and the jungle and malaria are fast encroaching upon the town Dacca, which was the Manchester of India, has fallen off from a very flourishing town to a very poor and small one; the distress there has been very great indeed" . 5.4.1    Impact of Colonialism from Western View Point Political Lessons: How has British dominance over India affected India? It is imperative to emphasize that there have always been, and still are, significant disparities in assessment between Western scholars and Indian nationalists. Many writers from the West claim that India benefited from political stability and lessons learned during British administration. Western academics have maintained that the British brought political stability and saved India from anarchy. As "A stable political lesson did not survive for more than a century or a century and a half at any point in Indian history over any large region, despite a Hindu tradition of imperial expansion." Nothing could match the imperial chronologies of China, Egypt, or Rome. It is important to note that no legacy of ongoing administrative organizations or enduring bureaucracy ever emerged. The political lesson learned from India was a fabrication, an idea that the British colonizers turned into a tangible reality. India in the eighteenth century had extremely low levels of "commerce and capital accumulation" in the lack of political learning, which implied that the British administration in India had to contend with an extremely low level of economy. India's non-technical economy was lucrative and highly appealing to the British. Because India's agricultural system was centered on "non-animal powered agriculture," western writers have claimed that the country's agricultural productivity was extremely low throughout its history. Many Western historians claim that much of India remained a "virgin land as late as 1800" due to the lack of any significant technology that emerged in Modem India. The British introduced tobacco, potatoes, and peanuts to India. Third, they said that India's lack of technology prevented it from making any significant manufacturing breakthroughs. India produced textiles and a few other manufactured goods, and it had some very skilled craftsmen, but they were the products of labor, not of advanced technology. This viewpoint's supporting data comes from English records from the seventeenth century, which highlight India's textile productivity's inelasticity. Poverty and Backward Economy: Throughout the centuries preceding 1800, the Indian subcontinent had a comparatively low per capita income. No alternative conclusion is tenable in light of the unstable political environment, low productivity in both agriculture and nonagricultural fields, and negligible commerce. If the accounts of British factories or European explorers agree that India was underdeveloped when the British progressively took control of it, then it follows that the British conquest of India benefited this nation's economy, society, and politics. Every time two civilizations have interacted historically, the more developed and well-organized society has been able to assert authority over the less developed society, while the less developed society also benefits from the advanced society's organization and technology. This is the fundamental thesis of Western writers who see British colonial control as the superiority of a more sophisticated society over a less developed one. In the process, developing nations like India benefited from British control in the following ways, which are listed by Western scholars: India benefited from political stability and teachings from the British. India's economic growth was positively impacted by the roads and rail systems the British built. The development of irrigation systems and other public works by the British helped India's manufacturing, trade, and agricultural sectors flourish. In conclusion, there are two main concerns that Western writers have raised about the effects of British rule in India. Initially, the British discovered an extremely impoverished India on the verge of imperial development, complete with low agricultural output, a pitiful per capita income, and no advanced technology or manufacturing tools. Second, the British government's kind policies formed the basis for economic development and assisted in the construction of political lesson, a system of government. Self-Check Exercise-III 1.    The British introduced free trade. What did it mean? 2.    In which Indian coasts was a vibrant see trade to the Gulf and Red Sea ports operated through the main pre-colonial ports? 5.6    Summary The British rule in India came to an end on 15Ih August 1947. For decades Indian nationalists had resisted the British colonial power and tried to counter its hegemony. Nationalists used certain ideological and cultural markers to develop the conception of the Indian nation. The British contended that India was not a nation and would never become one because its people were divided along caste and community lines. The retreat of colonial power was only a partial success as the Imperial power succeeded in dividing the subcontinent according to its own design. The partition also ensured that the institutional patterns created by the colonial power remained intact. The transfer of power to the Congress and Muslim League in two parts of the subcontinent also silenced the radical voices and discourses regarding the post-colonial political scenario. Although, India under Congress opted for a democratic and secular political set-up, the new polity suited the interests of a new ruling bloc of capitalists. Gradually, the conservative social change that ends the colonial rule was introduced from 'above', abandoning earlier mass-mobilization forms, state -Establishment which also shaped the destiny of the Indian people. 5.7    Glossary: 1.    Colonialism: is a practice or policy of control by one people or power over other people or areas, often by establishing colonies and generally with the aim of economic dominance. 2.    Trade: is basically an exchange, voluntary in nature between two parties in requirement of each other’s resources like goods and services. 3.    Rule: an accepted principle or instruction that states the way things are or should be done, and tells you what you are allowed or not allowed to do. 5.8    Answer to self-check questionsSelf Check Exercise-1 Ans. 1) Vasco Da Gama’s 1498 arrival in India established a sea route from Europe and during the following centuries, the Dutch, British, Portuguese, and French would build settlements in port cities throughout the region. Ans. 2) The English East India Company was incorporated by royal charter on December 31, 1600. Self-Check Exercise-II • Ans. 1 Before the colonial period, India was a big player in the foreign trade. At the beginning of 19th century, the share of India in the world economy was around 20%. By the time British left India the share was reduced to around 4%. Thus the colonial rule paralyzed the foreign trade also by a large proportion. On the other side, the main arguments regarding the economic impact of colonialism are the ‘drain of wealth’, expropriation (mainly of land), the control over production and trade, the exploitation of natural resources, and the improvement of infrastructure. Self-Check Exercise-III 1 ) Finished goods from Indian manufacturer were taxed in Britain 2 ) Surat on Gujarat coast 5 .9 Suggested readings: •    Basu, R. (2012). International Politics: Concepts, Theories and Issues, New Delhi: Sage Publications Pvt. Ltd. •    Loomba, A. (2005). Colonialism/ Post colonialism, New York: Rutledge Publications. •    Bandhopadhyay, S. (2005). Decolonization in South Asia: Meaning of •    Freedom in Post- Independence. Hyderabad: Oriental Blackswan. •    Young, J. C R. (2016). Post Colonialism: An Historical Introduction, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd. •    Baylis, S. et.al (2014). The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations, London: Oxford University Press. 5 .10 Terminal questions 1.    Explain the meaning and Types of the Colonialism. 2.    Describe the Characteristics of India’s Economy during Pre-Colonial Period. 3.    Describe the impact of colonialism on Indian economy from Indian and Western point of View. 4.    Explain meaning, definition, and various phases of colonialism in Indian context. Unit- 6State in India: Nationalist Imagination 6 .0 Introduction 7 .0 6.1 Learning Objectives 6.2.    Different approaches for understanding the nature of the Indian State Self check Exercise-I 6.3.    Nationalist Imagination and Different Strands of Indian Nationalist Imagination Self check Exercise-II 6.4    Nation-State Theory Self check Exercise-III 6.5.    Summary 6.6.    Glossary 6.7    Answer of Self Check Questions Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 6.8.    Suggested Readings 6.9    Termination Questions 6.0    Introduction In the preamble of Indian constitution there has been described that what the nature of state in India is. It explains that the Indian state is a sovereign, socialist secular democratic republic of India which rests on different normative principles, for instance, justice, liberty, equality and fraternity through it has acquired its different forms of normative identity that is, socialist-liberal democratic state, well-fare State in the continuity. Further, ‘State’ is the most commonly used term in politics. Up to the first half of twentieth century, political science was concerned with the study of the phenomenon of the state in its varied aspects and relationship, as distinct from family, tribe, and nation and from all private associations and groups. Political science starts and ends with the state, as Garner phrased it. Similarly, Gettle, Gilchrist, and others have represented this school of political thinking. According to its etymology, a state is a system of organized machinery used for enforcing laws and regulations, as well as for making and carrying out political choices. Garner defines the state as "a community of persons, more or less numerous, permanently occupying a definite portion of territory control and possessing an organized government to which the great body of inhabitants render habitual obedience" in terms of political science and public law. This concept states that a state's population, fixed territory, governance, and sovereignty are its fundamental components. The state is regarded as a unique institution apart from society, the government, associations, and nations. The state is a central player in the modern drama of development, and nowhere is it more important than in the development of the third world. Its successes, its failures and its distortions cannot be fully appreciated without a proper understanding of the trajectories of state formation. To understand how states are forward and how they have come to be what they are, we must think historically, about them, and look beyond the formal structures to their social and political specifications. Modern state may be classified into two broad forms-liberal democratic and totalitarian. While the former stands on the foundation of democracy signifying residence of power in the hands of the people and its utilization by their chosen representatives; the latter is antithetic of the former where political power is in the hands of a group of power-hungry politicians or a junta of military oligarchs who strive to severe legitimacy of their rule by means of force and fraud’. Another variety popularly known by the name of ‘welfare state’ has emerged. The concept welfare state has been devised to meet the challenge of the totalitarian state. Various attempts have been made to understand the politics of India through different perspectives. 6.1    Learning Objectives After this chapter students will be able to understand: •    To understand the nature of Indian states •    To understand and analyses the various theories of nationalism •    To understand the various approaches of Indian nationalism •    Different approaches for understanding the nature of the Indian State 6.2    Approach is a way of looking to something that how a person or researcher perceives the nature or which aspect or side of the state over he or she is developing his or her own perspective. Regarding Indian state there is no rational view to approaching the nature of the state in a diagnostic manner. But principally two or three approaches interpret the nature of the Indian State. Liberal Approach The liberal approach stressed on institution and processes as the key to understanding the state and political power. It recognizes the need for development and social change. To study the nature of any particular state, it is necessary to analyze the relation between state, power, and social classes and the purpose of the state. Democracy is the cornerstone upon which the liberal democratic form rests. In its view, the state is a democratic one in which the rule of law is upheld together with freedom of speech and expression, free and regular elections, an accountable and responsible administration, an independent judiciary, and other features. The rule of law creates freedom for all citizens within the bounds of the law while preventing turmoil and anarchy in society, which inhibits total freedom. This method highlighted the importance and autonomy of political processes. The writings of S. Rudolph, F. Frankel, and Rajni Kothari make this clear. Liberal academics have emphasized the necessity of acknowledging the state's centrality as an autonomous actor or relative autonomy, in which case the state must take a very interventionist role in developmental processes. The Congress party's continued dominance in India for almost 40 years has contributed to the strengthening of the political foundation for the creation of a powerful state. Under the Indian National Congress, which evolved into a dominant party and took on the traits of an accommodating party, it gained independence from colonial authority. Liberal modernists include political scientists such as Morris Jones, Norman Palmer, and Rajni Kothari. Regarding the Indian model, Rajni Kothari observed that it is a society with a "dominant political center" and several identities. He believed that the successful foundation of democracy in India was largely due to the presence of pluralist tolerance and an aptitude for integration. In order to comprehend the nature of the Indian state, Morris Jones concentrated on how political institutions and procedures functioned. He emphasized the role that democratic institutions play in bringing about change on several fronts. "Capability of political institutions in bringing about economic and social change" was one of his main points. (1) It was believed that "the Indian political system would gradually develop its own processes of democratic decision-making, rational administration, and modern citizenship with a liberal democratic constitutional system and universal suffrage." (2) This confluence of "economic development, distributive justice, and democratic ideology provided a unique opportunity of transforming a traditionally apolitical society in which politics became the principal agent of transformation and the state became the central instrument of governance." This presents a positive image of democratic processes and political institutions. The works of Gunnar Myrdal, Atul Kohli, Rajni Kothari, and The Rudolphs offer a liberal critique of the Indian state.Gunnar Myrdal labeled the institutional architecture of the Indian state as a "soft state" and attacked the government for its incapacity to implement laws or public programs aimed at eradicating poverty. Myrdal claimed that because the Indian government lacked the authority to change establishments that impeded reform and advancement, it was weak. Consequently, it was unable to successfully address the system of caste, implement land reform, end corruption, or compel development ideas from the populace. The rise of left-wing extremism, which Manmohan Singh referred to as the "gravest internal threat" to the security of the nation, is one effect of this leniency. The nation has been severely impacted by Naxalism; yet, Myrdal's "hard state" would have been able to combat it. The liberal perspective on state and political power in India emphasizes on institutions and procedures. The state is regarded as the primary force behind transformation and the primary tool for social advancement. The Rudolphs claim that the Indian state is divided into two groups: the "owners of production" group and the "laborer" group, which consists of eight people. They examined how the state functions as a go-between for these two opposing factions and how, in doing so, it must retain its structural integrity. Thus, the state would play the part of the "third actor". According to the Rudolphs, India is a weakly powerful state. Large fundamental industries, secularism, democracy, socialism, and a mixed economy that has reduced conflict are its main sources of strength. Casteclass disputes, religious communalism and fundamentalism, growing political mobilization, etc. are its weak points. Marxist Approach The Marxist perspective, on the other hand, emphasizes the importance of political economy. The state is the primary engine of economic growth. It attributes to the state a partisan role in the continuing class conflict between the ruled and the ruled. Marxists would have held the Indian government accountable for creating a social structure that upholds the dominance of capital over labor and works to perpetuate it. From Plato to Aristotle, this was the primary philosophical opposition to western political philosophy. According to this, the state is necessary to preserve civilization and order. Marxists contended that throughout the course of society's historical development from the prehistoric era to the present, the state evolved alongside the division of society into a ruling class that enjoyed privileges and leisure and the general populace, which had limited means of subsistence and was exploited as slaves and proletarians. Later, Marx came to believe that the proletariat will inevitably triumph in the class war and that at that point, the state might be dissolved. According to the Communist Party of India, India is a national bourgeoisie state that can peacefully transition to socialism by pursuing a non-capitalist course for growth. In the more than fifty years after independence, the Indian capitalist class has experienced significant growth and transformation. This class was ruled by a large bourgeoisie throughout the actual period of independence. However, this large bourgeoisie's perspective has changed dramatically. The great bourgeoisie was the class that defined the kind of capitalist development that India undertook starting in the 1950s: (a) a class that was aware of the global context as well as its own place in Indian society. The development of capitalism required the accumulation of capital by the Indian State. The State capitalism, supported by the Indian ruling classes, had two functions. It made it possible for capitalism to grow within certain bounds. A form of capitalist growth that did not require a full-scale agrarian revolution, which would have required giving in to landlordism and developing agrarian capitalism from above by depending on landowners and wealthy peasants. (b) The Indian bourgeoisie's subservient status in relation to global capitalism necessitated an organic connection with foreign finance capital and a reliance on this imperialist capital in order to propel capitalist expansion. (c) In a situation where the Soviet Union and a socialist bloc existed, such a capitalist development could have a relative degree of autonomy; the bourgeois-landlord classes in India could take advantage of the disputes between the two blocs and maneuver to strengthen its own position to a limited extent. A.R. Desai, an academic Marxist, referred to India as a capitalist state. (4) Calling the Indian constitution a "bourgeoisie constitution," he contended that the original purpose of granting the right to property was to grant the right to income through ownership, a move that led to societal inequality. Subsequently, Indian mixed-economy planning acknowledged a private-ownership class structure as the foundation for economic growth. He claimed that the private sector is favored in a mixed economy. Along similar lines, C.P. Bhambari has called attention to the discord among the governing classes and the state's relative decline. According to Hamza Alvi, India's relative economy as a post-colonial state helped it balance the conflicting interests of the governing classes. In post-colonial governments, the state was able to function autonomously thanks to a few particular circumstances. He argues that there are multi-class parties like the Congress and that there is no class-based politics in India. He also claims that the Indian state has a large deal of relative autonomy because the indigenous propertied class is weak. In a same vein, Partha Chatterjee, another researcher, asserts that since independence, there has existed a coalition of ruling classes. To maintain control over the state, the landed aristocrats shared in the authority. A Marxist interpretation of the Indian state reveals the state's class nature, which involves it serving the ruling classes and, when necessary, resorting to coercive measures to protect their socioeconomic structure. Gandhian Approach The idea of Swaraj serves as the foundation for the Gandhian method of studying the nature of state. It denotes the establishment of self-government and the absence of foreign rule. He agreed with Thoreau's assertion that "that Government is the best which governs the least" and saw the state as an unavoidable evil. It states that minimal interference with people's rights and liberties is when government is at its best. Gandhi believed that the state, namely the Western kind, represented concentrated acts of violence. The state, or its authority, uses force or brutal measures ruthlessly to enforce allegiance from the populace. He once declared, "A person has a soul, but the state is a soulless machine; violence is the state's lifeblood and cannot be severed from it." Put differently, Gandhi saw the state and force or violence as interchangeable terms. He goes on to add that although there is a state, it is impossible to envisage any kind of violence or coercion. He learned from his experiences in South Africa that as the state's authority increased, so did the level of violence or coercion. The white government of South Africa gained tremendous authority under the pretext of upholding law and order, which resulted in the brutal management, exploitation, and restriction of people's freedoms. He once declared that he would never support a violent political organization. Instead, he fears these kinds of organizations constantly. "I look upon an increase in the power of the state with greatest fear, because although it appears to be doing good by minimizing exploitation, it does the greatest harm to mankind by destroying individuality which is at the root of progress," he said, making clear how he felt about the Western state system. It is abundantly evident from the preceding analysis that Gandhi opposed the Western state model because he believed it to be violent or coercive. The question now is, why was he so opposed to violence? Gandhi believed that individuality—that is, the independence of the person and the innate will to work—was going to be destroyed by the contemporary state. Second, advancement originates from individualism. Gandhi thought that using force would accomplish nothing. Once more, the person cannot be made to perform any task against his or her will or natural desires. Put another way, Gandhi believed that voluntary acts performed by people can contribute to the advancement of society. However, we see Gandhi as being more combative. The freedom of the individual cannot be compromised in any situation. Gandhi is regarded as one of the greatest anarchist philosophers because to his love of individual freedom. The main thesis of Gandhi is that the state is an undesirable political organization due to its intimate ties to violence. According to Gandhi, "swaraj" refers to popular consent and involvement in government. For him, an enormous nation like India cannot have direct democracy. India's constitution writers incorporated certain Gandhian state elements after the country gained independence. Among them are untouchability, emphasizing equality in society, and showing extra consideration for the less fortunate members of the community. In actuality, their goal was to implement the Panchayat Raj system throughout India in order to decentralize authority. Additionally, he defended the state's existence by pointing to the roles it plays, to the degree and for as long as such roles contribute to the welfare and advancement of all people. Self-Check Exercise-I 1.    What is liberal approach of the state? 6.3    Nationalist Imagination In India nationalist imagination can be derived from the anti-colonial freedom struggle was based on anti-colonial spirit and common history of all. During freedom struggle there were different strands of ideological front struggling against British Empire in India in this series prominent were moderate-nationalists, radical-nationalists socio-liberal, Gandhian and Subaltern etc. who have coined their own interpretations and conceptions of nationalism or nationalist imagination. Thus, before viewing the various views on Indian nationalist imagination needed to explain about the ‘Nation’, ‘State’, and ‘Nationalism’ in holistic manner as below: - Nation: Divergent opinions regarding the definition of a nation are at the heart of many of the debates surrounding the phenomenon of nationalism. The concept of the nation is so widely held that it is rarely scrutinized or questioned; instead, it is simply taken for granted. Still, there's a lot of misunderstanding. The term "nation" is often used imprecisely, frequently being confused with phrases like "state," "country," "ethnic group," and "race." For example, it is obvious that the United Nations is misnamed because it is an organization of states rather than a national people. What then are the nation's defining characteristics? What sets a nation apart from other social groups or sources of shared identity? Since every nation is made up of a combination of subjective and objective traits, as well as political and cultural elements, it is challenging to define the term "nation." Nations are, objectively speaking, cultural entities: linguistically and religiously homogeneous groupings of people united by a common history, language, and so forth. Undoubtedly, these causes influence nationalism's politics. For example, the linguistic divide between French-speaking Quebec and the English-speaking rest of Canada forms a major part of Quebecois nationalism in Canada. Religious divisions are the primary source of nationalist tensions in India; two such instances are the Sikhs' struggle in Punjab for a separate homeland (Khalistan) and the Muslims' campaign in Kashmir for the inclusion of Kashmir in Pakistan. That being said, a nation cannot be defined by objective criteria alone. Every country has some degree of racial, ethnic, and cultural variety. Despite speaking a number of regional dialects in addition to the three primary languages of French, German, and Italian, the Swiss people have shown themselves to be resilient and sustainable. The differences between Protestants and Catholics that have given rise to competing nationalisms in Northern Ireland have little bearing on events in the UK's mainland and very less bearing on events in nations like Germany. This highlights the reality that, in the end, nations can only be defined in an arbitrary way by their citizens. The country is ultimately a psycho-political construct. The fact that a nation's citizens see themselves as a nation is what distinguishes it from all other groups or collectivities. What does this signify? In this sense, a nation considers itself to be a unique political community. This is the difference between an ethnic group and a nation. Of course, an ethnic group has a sense of shared identity and cultural pride, but unlike a nation, it does not have a common political goal. Historically, these goals have taken the shape of pursuing or defending political independence or statehood. On a smaller scale, though, they might just represent a wish to obtain some autonomy, maybe inside a state federation or confederation. But the intricacy doesn't stop there. Part of the reason nationalism is a challenging political phenomena is because different nationalist traditions have varied conceptions of what a nation is. Particularly powerful have been two opposing ideas. One emphasizes the significance of ethnic bonds and loyalty and presents the country as essentially a cultural community. The other emphasizes the value of civil ties and allegiances and views it mainly as a political community. These opposing viewpoints have been connected to radically different types of nationalism in addition to providing conflicting explanations for the formation of states. State: A confusing variety of concepts have been associated with the term "state," including a group of organizations, a geographical area, a philosophical concept, a tool for oppression or coercion, and more. A contributing factor to this misunderstanding is the three distinct perspectives—idealist, functionalist, and organizational—that have been applied to the understanding of the state. The works of G. W. F. Hegel most blatantly exemplify the idealist perspective on the state. Hegel distinguished between the state, civil society, and the family as the three "moments" of social existence. He contended that a "particular altruism" exists inside families, encouraging members to put the needs of their young children or aging relatives ahead of their own. On the other hand, civil society was perceived as a domain of "universal egoism," where people prioritize their personal interests over those of others. According to Hegel, 'universal benevolence' or mutual compassion serves as the foundation of an ethical society that is the state. The problem with idealism, however, is that it leads to an unquestioning respect for the state and obscures the distinction between state-sponsored and state-external institutions by defining the state in terms of ethics. The function or goal of state institutions is the main emphasis of functionalist perspectives on the state. The preservation of social order is widely seen as the primary role of the state, which is defined as the collection of institutions that provide societal stability and order. The flaw in the functionalist interpretation of the state is that it often conflates the state with any organization that upholds order, including the family, the media, labor unions, and the church. The organizational perspective characterizes the state as the apparatus of government in the widest sense—that is, as a collection of organizations that are obviously 'public' in that they are supported by public funds and tasked with organizing social existence as a whole. This definition's strength is its unambiguous differentiation between the state and civil society. The state can be defined as the full "body politic," which consists of the many branches of government, including the courts, the bureaucracy, the military, the police, and the social security system. The organizational approach enables us to discuss "rolling forward" or "rolling back" the state, i.e., increasing or decreasing the institutional apparatus and the state's obligations. •    The means by which the state exercises its authority is known as government. Government is 'the brains' of the state; it creates and carries out policies that ensure the state's continued existence. •    The authority of the state is impersonal. State employees are hired and taught in a bureaucratic fashion, with the expectation that they will be politically impartial. This allows state organizations to withstand the prevailing government's ideological fervor. •    The common good or general will—that is, the permanent interests of society—are, at least in theory, represented by the state. Government, on the other hand, is a reflection of the political preferences of the people who just so happen to be in power at that specific moment. Nationalism: Nationalism refers to a kind of awakening or feeling of awareness among a group of people who belong from a same ethnicity, race, and culture etc. it is a feeling of belongingness by whom, who share common subjective and objective values to constitute or form a nation-state. Nationalism as a doctrine is associated with the nation, not with the state. If we were to try to define nationalism, that definition would be something like this: it's an ideology that basically has the identity of a (ethnic) group of people, which ideology does not imply state boundaries and applies to all those who are embodied in the group or national identity. The nationalism can also be defined as a movement or feeling that has, at its core, an ideology, i. e. the identity of a nation. For many nationalists, nationalism is a natural feeling that is born at birth. All theorists of nationalism agree (and even the modernists) that the basis of every nation is the ethnic homogeneity. But the problem arises when one begins to search for the core of that homogeneity. How did that connection come about, and are those values and traditions that make that nation different from others, both bloodbiological, linguistic-cultural and economic? The biggest differences in the modern interpretation of nationalism are: is it a natural sense of belonging to a group, which arose through endogamy, nepotism and natural reproduction among its members; a sense of belonging to a group with the same historical myths, collective memory and traditions; or anything but a modern and political economic phenomenon, and when interpreted it must not be viewed from a cultural, sentimental or historical point of view. It takes time and extensive research to answer all these questions. What is important is that it should be shown to all young generations that using blood and gender, as well as the glorious historical past of their people, as well as culture and traditions, they succeed in transmitting them in the process of creating national doctrines, and thereby open up not only cultural and historical issues but also territorial issues with the neighboring nations 6.3.1    Different Strands of Indian Nationalist Imagination It’s evident that beginning of Indian nationalism has to be taken from latter half of the 19th century as a result of various factors like western education, socio-religious reforms, British policies and so on. In 1885, the Indian National Congress was formed which played an imperative role in India’s freedom movement. Thus, further it has been explained about those various strands of nationalist imagination over it is premised. Religious-Cultural Nationalist Imagination At the core of such type of nationalist imagination there is the interlink age of religious-cultural values to awake or assert the spirit or conscious of nationalism. Swami Vivekananda gave the foundation of spiritual nationalism through reawakened and generated self-pride and selfconfidence in each and every Indian. He said Religion is the soul of Indian nationalism. The Indian people pay less importance to political and economic independence but more importance to religious freedom (Mohanti, 1997, p.135). Sri Aurobindo Ghosh was the most formidable representative of Indian culture and civilization. He was the prophet of ‘spiritual nationalism’ quite new and unique in the history. For the first time he added a ‘spiritual identity’ to the already existing geographical identity of India. For him nation is the manifestation of God. Nationalism is a religion gifted by God. He also defined nationalism as a religion describing it as a divine mother. Moderate Nationalists The time period from 1885 to 1905 can be called the ‘Moderate Phase’. The leaders of this phase are called moderates. Prominent moderate leaders were Dadabhai Naoroji, Womesh Chandra Bannerjee, G Subramania Iyer, Gopal Krishna Gokhle, Sir Surendranath Banerjee etc. these were the people who believed in British justice and were loyal to them. During this period there were not a clear cut or stringent expression of nationalism or Nationalist imagination in India because moderate nationalists were the leaders who believed in peaceful and constitutional methods to demand and to fulfill those demands. They usually trusted in the use of Prayer, Petition and Protest. It aimed only at getting political rights and self-government under the British dominion. Radical Nationalists In 1907 Indian National Congress (INC), split into two factions called moderate nationalist and radicals. And reason or cause behind the incident was disagreements by those radical Congress leaders who were not satisfied with the methods of moderates like Prayer, Petition and Protest to convince the British-rule to fulfil demands of the Indian people at large. They were in the support of radical methods (for instance, boycott, and promoting the production of necessary goods in India) to oppose the rule of the British in India to introduce Home Rule by the Indian people to govern themselves. In this strand leading faces were Lala Lajpat Rai, Bipin Chandra Pal and Bal Ganga Dhar Tilak called as Lal-Bal-Pal. This strand of nationalism has sparked the fire of nationalist imagination among the Indian nationals at the nascent level. It further resulted in evolving many more radical and aggressive cult-oriented leaders to insert the nationalist imagination among the Indians in which prominent were Subhash Chandra Bose, Bhagat Singh etc. Socio-liberal Nationalists In this strand of nationalism key faces were those who have gotten education from England and other parts of the western world. In the category prominent leaders were Pt. Jawahar Lal Nehru, Acharya Narendra Dev, C. Raja Gopala Chariya, Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and others. And the idea of nationalist imagination was premised on socio-liberal notion of the state-nation. The leaders were influenced from the socialist wave and the liberal values of the western world to engineer the idea of India as a nation-state or state-nation. After gaining the independence from British-rule constitution builders have invented the idea of free India on these values to make it reality through the modern-state on the Indian soil. Gandhian Nationalism Gandhian imagination of nationalism was quite different from the western idea of nationalism. It was based on Gandhi’s principle of ‘Swaraj’ which means self-rule; it starts from the individual to the whole idea of self-rule at large. Gandhi gave it the content of an integral revolution that encompasses all spheres of life: “At the individual level Swaraj is vitally connected with the capacity for dispassionate self-assessment, ceaseless self-purification and growing self-reliance”. In political sense the dogma of Swaraj was to give Indians the actual meaning of self-rule and to empower people. Political expression talks about the execution of democracy in its true form right from the basic level, where there is a public representative at every stage. It is also about the whole development of a nation where everyone is treated equally. Thus, Swaraj is the supremacy of the people based on real moral authority. Subaltern Nationalism Subaltern view of nationalism is based on suppressed or downtrodden section of society where it talks about the upliftment and democratic disbursement of due national resources to the backward people of a country. It constitutes the idea of nationalist imagination around the principles of social justice and democratic rights to the backward and suppressed or downtrodden people of nations where they can attain just share of their holdings in the modern idea of nation-state or state-nation. The prominent advocates of subaltern imagination of nationalism are Jyotiba Phule, Periyar E. V. Ramaswami, Bhim Rao Ramji Ambedkar etc. There are two theories that describe the nation building process. Self- Check Exercise-II 1)    Who coined the term nationalism? 2)    Who is the father of nationalism studies? 3)    The word ‘Nation’ is derived from which language? 6 .4 State-Nation Theory The nation-state theory was developed in Nepalese Society and known as Nepal centric paradigm. According to this theory a definite geographical boundary with geopolitical legitimacy state is a nation that is independent, sovereign and where mutual coordination of diverse species, castes, languages, cultures, sects, communities, geographical areas collective determine the “nationality" Adhikari NM and Upadhya GS (2017). Since in State-Nation, the word "nation" is in place of the noun, its theorem is "nation" and the word "state" in place of the adjective which refers to the qualities, characteristics, nature of the "nation". That’s why the main element in "State -Nation" is Nation. Here the definition of "nation" is determined from the point of view of state Therefore, in the "state-nation" nation is taken as ends whereas state is means. Basis of State-Nation Theory: In theorization of “state nation", nation is mainly based in the Vedic concept. "State nation" has been established through the coordination of all of shared geographical, historical, philosophical, fundamentals of Vedic, Buddhist, Jain, Kirati, Bon etc. which are the original indigenous system of Nepal. Geographical boundary with geopolitical legitimacy state is a nation that is free, independent, and sovereign and where mutual coordination of diverse species, castes, languages, cultures, sects, and communities’ geographical areas collective determine the “nationality" Adhikari NM and Upadhya GS (2017). Consequences: When the nation is defining on the basis of the State-nation theory, the nation is more stable. According to this, geographical boundary with geopolitical legitimacy state is a nation that is free, independent sovereign and where mutual coordination of diverse species, castes, languages, cultures, sects, communities, and geographical areas collective determines the “nationality". There gives rise mutual understanding, coordination among different races, cultures, language, ethnicity etc. which ultimately develop a strong feeling of Lessiony among diversity. Examples of State-Nation: The best example of state-nation is Nepal, India and USA which were formed on the basis of statenation theory and from the coordination of diverse species, castes, ethnicity, languages, cultures, sects, communities, geographical areas (Thapa, 2020). Self Check Exercise-III 1)    Who said Nation is imagined communities? 2)    Is India is state nation or nation state? 6.5    Summary It is evident that there are so many theories to explain the notion of Nation, State and Nationalism by various thinkers in a theoretical and detailed way. But in this chapter, we have gone through basics of the mentioned concepts where we have explained about the nature of Indian State through different approaches and nation, state and nationalist imagination by different nationalist views in an introductory manner. 6.6    Glossary: Nationalism: the desire of a group of people who share the same race, culture, language etc. to form an independent country. Cultural Nationalism: is nationalism in which the nation is defined by a share culture and a common language, rather than o the concepts of common ancestry or race. Nation-state: a sovereign state of which most of the citizen or subjects are Lessioned also by factors which define a nation, such as language or common descent. 6.7    Answer to self-Check ExerciseSelf Check Exercise-I Ans. 1) The liberal state prioritizes freedom and individual rights. It also makes the case for a minimum, neutral state. States operate for the benefit of society as a whole, and one of their fundamental responsibilities is to uphold law and order and guarantee that everyone is treated equally and without bias. Put differently, a liberal state views people as morally upright agents. It is believed that the state's job is to give people the conditions necessary for their development and prosperity. Self Check Exercise-1I Ans.1) Johan Gottfried Herder Ans. 2) Anthony D. Smith Ans. 3) Latin Self Check Exercise-III Ans. 1) A nation is an imagined political group, according to Benedict Anderson, who introduced the concept of imagined communities. Even the smallest nation's citizens will never have met, known, or even heard of the majority of their fellow citizens, but they all carry a vision of their community in their thoughts. Ans. 2). In the western concept the population nation is called nation –states. Nation state is a modern construct; comprising, a single nation as its dominant constituency and nations are based on a common language, religion, ethnicity and history. It argues that several nations within a state and geographically contiguous parts of India are Lessioned under a single political authority and this political unification derives its justification from a shared civilization heritage. 6.8    Suggested Readings •    Heywood, A. (2015). Politics. Palgrave Macmillan. •    Mohanti. D. K. (1997). Indian Political Tradition: From Manu to Ambedkar. Anmol Publications, New Delhi, India. •    Thapa, I. (2020). Nation-State and State-Nation theory of Nation Building. Public Administration Campus, Tribhuvan University, Nepal. •    Seth, S. (1999). Rewriting Histories of Nationalism: The Politics of “Moderate Nationalism” in India, 1870-1905. The American Historical Review, Vol. 104, No. 1, pp.95-116. •  Zoya H. (eds.) (2002). Politics and the State in India, Delhi: Sage Publications. •  Bhambhari, C. P. (1988). Politics in India (1947-87) New Delhi: Vikas Publications. •    Kothari, R. (1970). Politics in India Delhi: Orient Longman. •    Chatterjee, R. (ed.) (1997). State and Politics in India, Delhi: OUP. 6 . 9 Terminal Questions 1.    Discus the nature of Indian State and how the theory of nation-state working? 2.    Discus on Gandhian approach in Indian State. 3.    What do you understand the concept of State imagination in multilingual, multi-ethnic, multi religious, multi-language country? Block-II Unit- 7: Politics of Identity: Meaning, dimensions and Caste Politics in India Structure 7 .0 Introduction 7.1    learning Objectives 7.2    Dimensions of Identity politics in India Self-Check Exercise-I 7.3    Politics of Caste in India Self-Check Exercise-II 7.4    Relationship between caste and class in India Self-Check Exercise-III 7.5    Summary 7.6    Answer to self-check Exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 7.7    Suggested reading 7.8    Terminal questions 7.0 Introduction The two words Identity+ politics which defines politics based on identityPolitics, as defined by Merriam Webster, is the study of how groups of individuals who share a distinct racial, religious, ethnic, social, or cultural identity tend to advance their own special interests or concerns at the expense of those of any broader political group. Identity politics serves as a means of gaining political power through either expressing concern for one's identity or expressing optimism about it. In a simple word, it is the Political activity or movements based on or catering to the cultural, ethnic, gender, racial, religious, or social interest that characterize a group identity. The Combahee River Collective first used the term "identity politics" in 1977. The term "identity politics" has come to refer to a broad spectrum of political activity and theory based on the common experiences of injustices experienced by members of particular social groupings. Identity politics formations usually don't focus on party affiliation, programmatic manifestos, or belief systems alone; instead, they work to protect the political liberties of marginalized groups within society as a whole. A plethora of scholarly literature has emerged since the twentieth century's heyday of the well-known political movements that gave rise to identity politics. While "identity politics" can draw from the ideas of intellectual forebears such as Marry Wollstonecraft and Franz Fanon, writing that actually employs this phrase, along with all of its modern connotations, does not start until the late 1970s. In Western nations, the phrase is mainly used to refer to political movements, including women's rights, civil rights, nationalist, and LGBT movements. Large-scale political movements based on allegations of injustices committed against specific social groups began to emerge in the second half of the 20th century. Examples of these movements include American Indian movements, Black Civil Rights Movement, Second Wave Feminism, and Black Civil Rights Movement in the United States. A philosophical corpus of literature that addresses issues regarding the nature, origins, and futures of the identities being defended both supports and underpins these social movements. The idea that some social groups are oppressed is fundamental to identity politics as an organizing strategy. That is, the idea that being a woman or African American, for example, makes one particularly susceptible to cultural imperialism (which includes stereotypes, erasure, or appropriation of one's group identity), violence, exploitation, marginalization, or helplessness. 7.1    Learning Objectives After this lesson student will be able to understand: •    To understand the nature of caste in India •    To understand the Indian Politics around Caste •    To analysis the politization of identity politics •    To understand the role of Constitution to assimilate different identity 7.2    Dimensions of Identity politics in India In India, communities and collective identities have persisted in their influence and demand acknowledgment even after the country's independence and adoption of a liberal democratic politics. Indeed, as Beteille has demonstrated, Indian politics has always attempted to balance community concerns and consciousness with loyalty to a liberal [individual] spirit. As per Bikhu Parekh, this procedure has acknowledged a diverse range of self-governing and independent communities. In order to acknowledge both individuals and communities Lessoned as right bearers, it has attempted to reconcile itself as an association of people and communities. Language: Following India's independence, political movements emerged along linguistic lines of identity. The drive to establish a Telugu-speaking state from the northern part of Madras State gained momentum, and in 1953 the sixteen northern Telugu-speaking districts of Madras State became the new State of Andhra, the first state to be established on linguistic lines. The years 1953 to 1956 were dominated by "language" in Indian politics, but the demand for separate states for linguistic collectivises did not end in 1956 and continues to this day to this day. As language organizes group identities and creates the parameters for identifying the "in-group" and "outgroup," it becomes a crucial assumption. Over 19,500 languages or dialects are spoken in India, and 96.71 percent of the population speaks one of the 22 scheduled languages as their mother tongue, according to the 2011 Census report. The identity dilemma stems from this variety and abundance of languages and continues to this day. Religion: The majority of people in India (79.80%) identify as Hindu, a secular nation with a diverse population that includes Muslims (14.23%), Christians (2.30%), Sikhs (1.72%), Buddhists (0.70%), Jains (0.37%), and others (0.9%). Interfaith disputes abound in Indian history as a result of political parties using religion and religious identity against one another. Based on their numerical strength in the nation, Hindu nationalist organizations like the Hindu Mahasabha and the RSS (Rastriya Swayam Sevak Sangh) and political parties like the BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) assert that India is a Hindu State. They produce illusions about India's past that homogenize the country. Other religious groups, who are less in number than the majority, dispute these assertions, citing the threat of losing their freedom to practice their religion and culture. This starts arguments that have frequently led to riots in the community. The widely held myths that explain the religious divide in identity processing revolve around the following: "forced religious conversions," "generally held attitudes of minority religious groups that are anti-Hindu and therefore antiIndian," "hegemonic aspirations" of majority groups, and "denial of a socio-cultural space" to minority groups. The institutionalization of religious differences into communal ideologies has posed a serious threat to India's democratic democracy and secular social fabric. Caste: Caste has grown to be a significant factor in Indian politics and society. One may argue that the problem of the state offering oppressed caste groups protection discrimination is where combative identity politics based on caste originated. In addition to giving newly forming groups more influence, caste identities have intensified combative politics and may be contributing to the escalating governability dilemma. Caste-based political parties, which claim to support and defend the interests of certain identities, especially the castes, institutionalize this caste-based group identity that has been strengthened by the rise of political consciousness surrounding caste identities. For instance, the lower caste-dominated BSP (Bahujan Samaj Party), the higher caste-dominated BJP, the SP (Samajwadi Party), etc. in India have all tacitly adopted the caste system to gain political clout. Gender: The Vedic era demonstrated how powerful women were. It gave her the freedom to select her mate and take part in religious rituals. These days, the marginalized genders in society have more opportunities to speak up about their overlooked prudential because to increased knowledge, education, exposure, etc. Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) movements began to gain traction in the 1950s and 1960s. These groups demand that their existence and respect in society be accepted, along with their rights. "Gender identity" refers to an individual's thoughts, beliefs, and feelings about themselves. However, gender in connection to identity politics implies the fight for recognition and the expectation of being accorded the same respect and treatment as other genders (particularly with regard to men). Examples of this may be seen in the global feminist and LGBT liberation movements. These are meant to combat the horrors and strive toward the elimination of certain societal ills such as child marriage, polygamy, restrictions on widows' ability to marry again, lack of access to education, mistreatment, etc. They also aim to secure equitable compensation for labor as well as social, economic, and political rights. Ethnicity: The term "ethnic identity" is used in two ways: first, it refers to the construction of identity based on a single characteristic, such as language, religion, caste, area, etc.; second, it takes into account the cumulative formation of identity based on several qualities. The most popular method of forming an ethnic identity, however, is said to be the second method, which is based on many characteristics such as culture, customs, geography, religion, or caste. The formation of one ethnic identity is contingent upon the other. There can be peaceful or conflictual relationships between many ethnic identities. Anytime there is rivalry between ethnic identities, whether genuine or imagined, it manifests itself as demands for autonomy, calls for secession, or ethnic unrest. In today's politics, identity has grown in importance. The presence or development of an identity is shown by the identification of group members based on the sharing of all or some characteristics, including language, gender, ethnicity, religion, and culture. Identity politics refers to the mobilization caused by these identifiers. In the 1950s and 1960s, identity politics gained traction in Europe and the Lesser States. Identity politics have grown in importance in Indian politics. Examples of identity politics in India include the rise of the BJP, the linguistic organization of Indian states starting in the 1950s, the rise of the Dalit political movement, particularly the SP, and the backward class politics that followed the implementation of the Mandal Commission Report. Other examples include the active role of organizations such as the RSS and the ethnic conflict, insurgency, and autonomy movements that have occurred in various parts of the country. Self Check Exercise- I 1)    What is identity politics? 2)    In India when started identity politics? 7.3    Politics of Caste in India In India, there is a caste system that places Brahmins at the top and Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, Shudras, and Brahmins at the bottom. In India, societal stratification is based on caste. One type of attributed inequality that has evolved in the contemporary era is the caste system. Social inequality developed throughout time, despite its origins in the Hindu philosophical varna system, which is divinely ordered and correlates to functional divisions. Following independence, the nationalist elite promised a caste-free society in which people would not be excluded from opportunities according to their caste. When India's electoral democracy first emerged, a very favorable environment was formed. As a result, caste began to change within Indian culture. Untouchability was outlawed by the modern Constitution in 1976 along with seat reservations, which eventually led to the further solidification of caste. In India, caste and casteism have never gone away. The idea of "political co-optation" by Myron Weiner gained a lot of traction. Many members of lower castes were also incorporated into the party as a result of the political mobilization strategy that Congress and other parties used. The lower castes' self-imposed barrier to protest also crumbled with the moral foundation of caste. As a result, some middle-class and lower-class people attempted to attain political power by adopting the orthopraxy of the higher castes in order to become equal with the upper castes through the process of Sanskritization. Rajni Kothari thus asserts that the politicization of caste in India was a major factor in the rise of party politics. He demonstrated the dual nature of the caste politics. Politics requires caste just as much as caste needs caste. When caste groups enter the political realm, it gives them an opportunity to claim their identity and advance their status. MN Srinivas made use of the idea of the ruling caste as well. A dominant caste is one that has a numerical superiority and, as a result, enjoys political authority. Caste is a useful tool that politicians find easy to employ in electoral campaigns. In Indian states, politics was also perceived as a struggle for political dominance between the main caste groups. It's also claimed that caste divides American politics. Srinivas also discussed the concept of the "dominant caste," which emerged as a political and economic force after Sanskritization. As a result of the Panchayati Raj System and the growth of adult franchise, the intermediate castes also strive for dominance in all spheres of society. While it is true that all of these have reinforced rather than undermined the caste structure. Self-check Exercise-II 1)    Battle of Bhima Koregaon is a classic example of which? 2)    Who give the concept of Sanskritization (process of cultural change towards twice born castes)? 3)    Who was the propounded of religious theory of origin of caste? 4)    Which theory of origin of caste is supported by Nesfield? 7.4    Class and Caste in India: A Relationship Article 15 of the Indian Constitution, which forbids discrimination against Indians on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth, gave rise to caste-based reservations. However, Article 15(4) was amended to indicate that the state may make any special provisions for the progress of any people who are socially and educationally behind, as well as for the SC and ST communities. As a result, the constitution concurrently upholds two opposing theories of equality: the theory of individual rights and the theory of community rights. Additionally, the Janata Party administration under by Prime Minister Morarji Desai formed the Mandal Commission, also known as the Socially and Educationally Backward groups Commission (SEBC), in 1979 with the goal of "identifying the socially or educationally backward classes" of India. In essence, it used caste to determine the lower classes. The issue of relevance shifted from particular class features to caste membership. Therefore, the OBC list's inclusion criteria shifted from average per capita income to low social position in the class. It so made it feasible for caste membership to take precedence over other factors when determining class advantages, turning social ranking into an issue of opinion as opposed to average per capita income. Caste and class so become overlapping identities. Additionally, as Christophe Jaffrelot noted, class began to change caste relations in India over time. Class and caste began to coexist in Indian society as a result. In India, caste gradually gave way to class plus status, or the social stigma associated with being clean or impure. In terms of earning income, reservations enabled certain jatis among the Dalits to overtake OBCs and other dominating castes. People began quitting their occupations within their caste groups as a result of reservation, which led to the creation of socioeconomic division among those groups. According to Myron Weiner, caste is still a "lived in social reality." Despite the conceptual foundations of caste being challenged, orthopraxy persisted. Nevertheless, caste was used as a tool for social transformation, leading to the emergence of "casteism." Additionally, previously marginalized groups were appropriated, and this political mobilization produced "messy identity politics." Thus, the quota policy that was "taken hold as a mantra" (Marc Galanter) and the strengthening of group identities helped the lower caste groups gain political clout. According to Myron Weiner, the relationship between caste and class is intricate and "cross cutting," overlapping identities, therefore the fight for equality and status persisted. Thus, caste emerged as a far more powerful social identity than class, maintaining the egalitarian nature of social order. Furthermore, according to Marc Galanter, the Mandal framework had "egregious consequences" as it classified other backward classes according to caste. It produced a vastly diversified and heterogeneous category of OBCs. As a result, caste served as the foundation for a system of ongoing protection. According to Rajni Kothari, there has been a "Curious Cognitive hiatus," which has helped to explain the conflict between tradition and modernity as well as the significance of caste for the social and economic standing of various groups. As a result, caste, a long-standing social structure, has evolved while still keeping its essential duties. Therefore, just as caste has impacted and changed politics, the caste system has influenced and changed politics. Sanskritization as a desire for status that became a "miracle" (Kothari), making status ambiguous and unsettling as well Economic prosperity was a result of westernization and secularization, reason was fostered by liberal education, and caste was brought into politics by more institutions. As a result, caste identities adopted new modes of expression, which altered the social structure's ethics and lessened the significance of its ritualistic and inscriptural foundations. On the other hand, as castes became interest groups, they underwent a process known as "ethnicization" (Christophe Jaffrelot), which led to positive caste discrimination. In India, caste has become institutionalized inside the political system         and         has         taken         on         several         forms. •    First off, caste has become more institutionalized in politics as a result of the emergence of caste politics. The upper classes nevertheless treat the lower castes horribly. Caste is a tool used by political parties to promote societal change. Casteism, or the political use of caste, involves institutionalizing caste rather than doing away with it in India. Political parties employ caste politics to build their support bases and use caste as a tool for gaining power. •    Secondly, Lower castes were to be included in politics and decision-making through political co-optation. The higher castes, who were already privileged, made up the majority of the political elite in the past. The main institutions that molded political power were made up of these upper castes. The Indian National Congress's mobilization of the lower castes was a step toward political co-optation that posed a threat to the higher castes' political dominance. Lower castes were soon represented in congress committees, and in several states, like Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra, they were the source of political leadership. Factional rivalry within the party was reinforced by the inclusion of the lower classes. As a result, the Congress party gained support based on caste. By means of political co-optation, caste became ingrained in the Indian political system. •    Thirdly, the rejection of the upper castes and the dismantling of the fundamental caste system were made possible by the political activism of the lower castes and their growing political consciousness. In India, caste was used as a justification for their control. People started fighting over caste as a result. The scheduled castes and other backward castes were politicized as a result of the mobilization of caste, which also began to upend social awareness. In an effort to elevate their social and economic standing, the Dalits organized several political campaigns and demanded that the untouchables be mobilized. For instance, in Uttar Pradesh, the Bahujan Samaj Party, a lower caste party, formed a government. The lower castes' political activism cemented the caste system's influence on Indian politics. •    Lastly, reservations, an Indian kind of affirmative action, helped the lower castes gain political influence. Scheduled castes and tribes were shielded by reservations from prejudice and the long-standing denial of equal chances. The state cannot discriminate against its inhabitants based only on their religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth, according to Article 15 of the constitution. Additionally, it includes specific guidelines for the socially backward classes' progression to STs and SCs. Quotas for Scheduled castes and tribes in the public sector, employment, educational institutions, etc. were granted under caste-based reservations. The Mandal panel suggested expanding these reservations to include the economically and socially backward Other Backward Classes. Thus, caste has become even more entrenched in Indian politics as a result of caste-based reservations. The creation of governmental policies that favor these scheduled castes and tribes and serve their interests since they are represented in the bureaucracy through reservations further solidifies caste. Caste is a significant factor in political struggle. The scheduled castes are mobilized by several political groupings to oppose the rule of the upper caste. Caste has been crucial in helping parties gain electoral support. To gain support, political parties have made appeals to certain caste and religious groups. Self Check Exercise-III 1.    How caste play important role in define the politics of India? 2.    How does caste get politicized? 7.5    Summary Identity politics is social or political action by or on behalf of a group that is racial, ethnic, cultural, religious, gender, or other. It is typically carried out to address injustices that group members experience as a result of conflicts or differences between their own identity (or misconceptions about their own identity) and the dominant identity (or identities) of a larger society. In the process of doing so, identity politics also seeks to dispel false impressions (stereotypes) about certain groups that have been used to support the marginalization, exploitation, exclusion, oppression, or complete erasure of its members. Identity politics, in its broadest meaning, also refers to nationalist or separatist movements inside certain nations and regions. Multiculturalism, or the broad notion that cultural minority groups should be respectfully acknowledged for their own belief systems, values, and lifestyles, is strongly linked to identity politics. 7.6    Answer to self check exerciseSelf Check Exercise-1 Ans. 1) Identity politics is social or political action by or on behalf of a group that is racial, ethnic, cultural, religious, gender, or other. It is typically carried out to address injustices that group members experience as a result of conflicts or differences between their own identity (or misconceptions about their own identity) and the dominant identity (or identities) of a larger society. Ans. 2) During the 1980s the politics of identity became very important and it was also linked to a new wave of social movement activism. Self Check Exercise-II Ans. 1) Casteism Ans. 2) M. N Srinivas in his “social change in Modern India” book in 1971 Ans. 3) Hocard and Senart Ans. 4 Occupational Theory Self Check Exercise-III Ans. 1) The Caste hierarchy means the system of social stratification in our society. Broadly speaking, caste system is a process of placing people in occupational groups. In India, caste in major element to defines the politics of the region. People see the caste background of the candidate and prefer choice to their own caste. Ans. 2. Each caste group tries to become bigger by incorporating within it neighbouring castes or sub castes which were earlier excluded from it. Various cast groups are required to enter into a coalition with other castes or communities and thus enter into a dialogue and negotiations. 7.7    Suggested Reading •    Kothari, R. (1970). Caste in Indian Politics. Orient Longman. •    Jaffrelot, C. (2010). Religion, Caste and Politics in India. Primus Books. •  Omvedt, G. (1982). Land, Caste, and Politics in Indian State. Guild Publications. •  Ambagudia, J. and Xaxa, V. (eds.) (2021). Handbook of Tribal Politics in India. Sage Publications •    Gopal,N. (2011). The Oxford Companion to Politics in India. Oxford Publisher. 7.8    Terminal Questions 1.    Explain Identity politics in India with special reference of Caste 2.    How caste effects vote politics in India? 3.    Discuss the role of caste in India. Unit- 8. Politics of Tribe in India 8.0 Introduction 8.1    Learning Objectives 8.2    Features of Tribes Self- Check Exercise-I 8.3    Indian tribe and politics Self- Check Exercise-II 8.4    Constitutional politics for Tribe Self- Check Exercise-III 8.5    Summary 8.6    Answer to self-check Exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 8.7    Suggested reading 8.8    Terminal questions 8.0 Introduction Tribes have basic technology, a largely homogeneous culture, and are separated from more widespread cultural influences. They have faith in witchcraft, magic, and spirits. They have their own taboos that forbid doing certain things that might result in repercussions from the supernatural, the community, or magic. Many cultures have the belief that all objects, living or dead, are either momentarily or permanently occupied by spirits or souls. This belief is known as animism. These spirits are frequently blamed for an activity. Certain ghosts are revered, feared, and handled with deference. Animism has been argued by some academics to be the tribes' original religion. A lot of tribes also practice ancestor worship. 8.1    Learning Objectives •    To understand the Indian Politics around Caste and Tribe •    To analysis the polarization of identity politics •    To understand the role of Constitution to assimilate different identity 8.2    Feature of Tribes: Main feature of Tribes in India are following: • Definite Common Topography Tribal people inhabit certain topographies, and the area they occupy is a shared area for all the members of that particular tribe. Endogamous Group: Native Americans often do not enter into outside marriages; instead, marriages inside the tribe are greatly respected and celebrated. However, the forces of mobility have also had a pressing influence on tribal attitudes, leading to a rise in the frequency of intertribal marriages. Ties of Blood Relationship: Among tribal people, blood relationships are the strongest link and most potent force that instill a feeling of oneness. •    Protection Awareness Tribal people constantly require defense against encroachment and infiltration; in order to provide this protection, a single political authority is created, and all authority is placed in this authority. The ability and intelligence of the individual holding political power determines the tribe's safety. In the case of an emergency, a tribal committee assists the tribe chief. The tribe is separated into several smaller groups, each of which is led by a different chief. A group's leader carries out his duties in accordance with instructions from the tribe chief. •    Distinct Political Organization Each tribe has a unique political organization that represents the tribe's interests. The tribal leader holds complete control over politics. Tribal committees are in place in some tribes to assist the tribal chief in carrying out his duties in the best interests of the tribe. Self Check Exercise-1 1)    What do you mean by tribes? 2)    What is the feature of tribes? 8.3    Indian Tribe and Politics Based on the results of the 2001 census, 83.6 million people, or 8.1% of India's total population, are categorized as Adivasis, or "tribal" peoples. They are divided into 461 distinct common groupings. They live in a span that stretches from the western Indian Bhil areas, through the central Indian Gond districts, and onto Jharkhand and Bengal, where the Munda, Orans, and Santals are the dominant ethnic groups. Additionally, there are very few endangered common groups in the Andamans, such as the Jarawa, Onge, and Sentinelese, and pockets of tribal common groups in the south, such as the Chenchus, Toads, and Kurumbas. Another significant concentration of tribal people may be found in northeastern India, where they include several Naga subtribes, Khasis, Garos, Mizos, Kukis, Bodos, and others. It is unclear what philosophical, political, or administrative justification there is for classifying all of these societies under a single "tribal" category. However, religion and culture were further considered to set the Indian "tribe" apart from the Indian "caste." The objectification of animists and Hindus, which is still a topic of discussion in social science, was facilitated by the census reports, which were particularly painful because to their differences. Of course, others disagreed with the mainstream theory. Sociologist André Beteille (1974), for instance, noted that it was sometimes impossible to discern between castes and tribes due to factors including size, isolation, religion, and means of subsistence. Although the inhabitants of the plains and the hills had distinct ecological, social, and even political domains throughout the pre-colonial era, there was frequently significant commerce and even intermarrying between the two. The hills people were despised as savages because they would invade the plains in both central and northeastern India. However, power dynamics were constantly changing and categories were frequently interchangeable. From an epistemic and material standpoint, colonialism marked a major turning point. Castes and tribes are examples of sociological and epistemological categories that were established through the creation of census records, gazetteers, official or semi-official ethnographies, grammars, linguistic surveys, and land tenure records. Similar evolutionary classifications based on race and anthropometry, the denigration of any indigenous royalty or polity in favor of a kinship-bound society, and the supposed primitivism of forms of production were used to characterize the tribal in India as they were in Africa. The terms "primitive," "savage," "wild," and "tribal" were also used interchangeably to describe peoples who opposed colonial rule. This justification was used for some particularly violent "pacification" campaigns, like the burning of Kond villages in Orissa in the nineteenth century, which was purportedly done to stop human sacrifice, or the Naga villages in the twentieth century, which was done to outlaw headhunting. Self-Check Exercise-II 1.    What is 'tribal politics' in India? 8.4    Constitutional Politics for Tribe Similar to the scheduled castes, tribal tribes are recognized by the government as some of the most disadvantaged groups in the nation, deserving of extra legal safeguards. However, tribal resistance to colonization also made sure they were administered under unique administrative structures, some of which are currently being swiftly undermined. Upholding unique tenure regulations such as the Chotanagpur Tenancy Act has become a significant aspect of Jharkhand's tribal politics. The constitutional provisions pertaining to scheduled tribes are inherently a product of both new ideas during the time of the Constitution's drafting and the colonial legacy. The colonial government responded to the various adivasi uprisings in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, including the Santal Hul of 1855–1856, the Birsa Ulgulan of 1895–1900, the Tana Bhagat Movement of 1914–1920, and the Bastar Bhumkal of 1910, by either maintaining indirect rule (as in Bastar or the Dangs) or by establishing certain areas under the direct rule of an agent to the governor–general. In these areas, the land, forests, and other laws applicable to the rest of the British province were disregarded, and where unique administrative arrangements could be made that acknowledged communities rather than private property, at least partially (see, for instance, the Bengal Regulation XIII of 1833 which followed the Kol rebellion of 1831–1832). The designated Districts Act (Act XIV) of 1874, which established a list of designated districts throughout British India, preserved this extraordinary condition of affairs. Subsequent to the Government of India Act of 1919, which permitted the designation of some regions as "backward tracts," further special protections for tribal areas were maintained by the Government of India Act of 1935 and the Government of India (excluded and partially excluded areas) Order of 1936. Afterwards, the scheduled territories of independent India were formed from these excluded and partially excluded areas. The Indian Constitution divides scheduling into two main categories: community-based and areabased. In terms of the "Administration of Scheduled Areas and Tribal Areas," as per Article 244 of the Constitution (Part X), two kinds of arrangements exist. While nine states—Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, and Rajasthan—have scheduled regions under the Fifth Schedule, the Sixth Schedule covers tribal areas in the states of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and Mizoram. The categories of scheduled places and scheduled tribes have a lot in common, yet they don't fit well. Even in the states where the Fifth Schedule is in effect, not all places where Adivasis make up a majority are protected by the schedule. These states include West Bengal, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, and Kerala, which have some of the most vulnerable adivasi populations. The President may schedule or list localities in order to provide them with particular protection, as allowed under Article 342 of the Constitution. The Santals and Mundas, for example, are scheduled tribes in Jharkhand but not in Assam or the Andamans, where some of them moved. These listings are state-specific. Not all tribal communities—like the Kols of Sonbhadra and Mirzapur in Uttar Pradesh—are designated as tribes, even in their own states and in spite of their obvious poverty. Three subcommittees of the Advisory Committee on Fundamental Rights and Minorities formulated the specific provisions of the Fifth and Sixth Schedules of the Constitution, despite their colonial origins. The Gandhian A. V. Thakkar led the committee that examined tribal territories "other than Assam" and produced the Fifth Schedule. Thakkar felt that "uplift" should take precedence over "rights." The fundamental presumption that underlies the Bengal Regulation of 1833, the Act of 1874, the Acts of 1919 and 1935, and the Fifth Schedule as well, is that tribal areas are best administered by a personalized, paternalistic government with different regulations that apply to them than to nontribal areas. The Fifth Schedule establishes rules and Tribes Advisory Councils in an effort to stop moneylenders and non-tribal people from obtaining land. The state governor has broad authority to amend or repeal current laws, as well as to propose new legislation specifically for these purposes. The Fifth Schedule has been a very dismal experience in practice. The governor seldom uses the authority bestowed upon him or her, the Tribes Advisory Councils are virtually toothless, laws that apply to the rest of the state are frequently extended to scheduled regions, and the whole situation is exemplified by the appalling human development indices for Adivasis. With the creation of autonomous district and regional councils with legislative authority over a range of significant issues, such as the management of forests, the control of shifting cultivation, the appointment of chiefs or headmen, property inheritance, and social customs, the Sixth Schedule, which relates to the former Assam, provides greater recognition to the right to selfgovernance. In addition, the District Councils are authorized to impose taxes, control the lending of money, and create and oversee elementary schools, pharmacies, and marketplaces. It still doesn't quite measure up to the autonomy that many groups in the Northeast were calling for at the time. Parallel to this, every state was required by the 73rd Amendment Act of 1993 to establish panchayats, or councils, at the village, intermediate, and district levels. However, Adivasi organizations filed a legal challenge after previous experience with elected panchayats replacing traditional tribal institutions, and the Andhra Pradesh High Court declared in 1995 that scheduled regions required a separate statute. As a result, the Provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA) was approved by Parliament in December 1996. Since many of this act's provisions pertaining to customary law are already included in the Sixth Schedule, it applies to territories included in the Fifth Schedule. In reality, Fifth Schedule areas are specifically targeted by PESA to adopt arrangements similar to those in the Sixth Schedule. The PESA requires that any "State legislation on the Panchayats……… shall be in consonance with the customary law, social and religious practices and traditional management practices of communities resources" as well as that "every Gram Sabha [village assembly] shall be competent to safeguard and preserve the traditions and customs of the people, their cultural identity, communities resources and the customary mode of dispute resolution." Nevertheless, the majority of states have not enacted the necessary laws to put the act into effect, and authorities sometimes intentionally fail to know about its contents. Apart from the Fifth and Sixth Schedules and PESA, Adivasis as individual citizens are covered by a number of constitutional provisions. Article 275 (1) relates to central grants-in-aid to states for the specific purpose of scheduled tribe welfare; Articles 330, 332, and 335 specify seats for scheduled tribes in the Parliament, state assemblies, and services; and Article 339 requires the creation of a commission to report on the administration and welfare of scheduled areas and scheduled tribes. Special provisions for the advancement of socially and educationally backward classes are allowed under Article 15 (4). Article 16 (4a) permits reservations in government services. Tribal development agencies (the fourth plan), multifunctional tribal blocks (the second plan), and tribal subplans (the fifth plan) are examples of the unique plans for tribal development that have been produced by successive five-year plans. The indigenous people are quite effective at defending who they are. Self Check Exercise-III 1)    What are the constitutional provisions for tribes in India? 2)    What is a tribe in the constitution of India? 8.5    Summary The caste system has traditionally had significant influence over people's access to power. The privileged upper caste groups benefit more by gaining substantially more economic and political power, while the lower caste groups have limited access to those powers. The caste system distributes to different castes different economic strengths. The upper caste groups can then manipulate the economic and political system to transfer economic strength into political power. Professor Dipankar Gupta has suggested that castes have played a too significant role in Indian elections. During the Congress-dominated era, patron-client relationships along caste lines played a major role in Indian politics. His or her voting tendency is heavily influenced by their caste. In India, the interests of various caste groups are represented by several political parties. The Congress Party is often used by wealthy Muslim communities as well as members of higher castes and merchant classes like Brahmin, Rajput, and Kayastha to voice their concerns. Jats from the higher caste of farmers typically support the rival political parties. Votes for the Jan Sangh, a numerically insignificant party, come virtually solely from the upper and trade castes. Voting habits are not, however, only influenced by caste. Not every member of the same caste would vote for the same party, since differences tend to arise more for the upper caste groupings. Voting based on political convictions is more flexible for those in higher castes. The Mandal Commission encompassed nearly 3000 Other Castes that were disadvantaged. As a result, it is unclear which parties belong to each caste. During elections, loyal voter groups typically support a certain candidate or party in the hopes of reaping benefits if that politician achieves government. This "Vote bank" practice is widespread across the majority of the nation. In India, a large number of political parties have engaged in overt caste-based vote-bank tactics. Vote banks were built by the opposition parties to oppose the Congress party's hegemony in politics, while the Congress party exploited them to retain power. 8.6    Answer to self-check exerciseSelf-Check Exercise-1 Ans.1) Tribes is a social division in a traditional society consisting of families or common groups linked by social, economic, religious, or blood ties, with a common culture and dialect, typically having a recognized leader. Ans.2) Tribes have basic technology, a largely homogeneous culture, and are separated from more widespread cultural influences. They have faith in witchcraft, magic, and spirits. They have their own taboos that forbid doing certain things that might be punished by the supernatural, the common group, or by magical repercussions. Self-check Exercise-II Ans.1 As per the 2001 census, the adivasi or "tribal" peoples of India make up around 83.6 million people, or 8.1 percent of the total population, who are categorized into 461 distinct communities. The adivasis, or indigenous people, are very influential in the politics of several Indian states. In India, tribes comprise the subaltern groupings. Furthermore, representation and identity concerns are crucial to the politics of the marginalized. Self check Exercise-III Ans. 1) Seats in Panchayats are reserved for scheduled tribes under Article 243D. Reservation of seats for scheduled tribes in the House of People is provided by Article 330. Reservation of seats for scheduled tribes in state legislatures is provided by Article 332. Ans.2) The Indian tribes' communities are referred to as Scheduled Tribes. "Such tribes or tribal community, or parts of or groups within such tribes or tribal community as are deemed under Article 342 to be Scheduled tribes for the purposes of this constitution," is how Article 366 (25) defines scheduled tribes. 8.7    Suggested Readings •  Omvedt, G. (1982). Land, Caste, and Politics in Indian State. Guild Publications. •  Ambagudia, J. and Xaxa, V. (eds.) (2021). Handbook of Tribal Politics in India. Sage Publications •    Gopal,N. (2011). The Oxford Companion to Politics in India. Oxford Publisher. 8.8    Terminal Questions: Explain Tribal Politics in India. How caste and Tribe identity play important role in power politics 1)    Critically examine the caste-based vote politics in India. 2)    Is caste-class in India is similar. Critically examine its effected relationship influencing the electoral politics? Unit- 9: Politics of Language and Region in India 9.0 Introduction 9.1    Learning Objectives 9.2    languages Issue in India Self Check Exercise-I 9.3    Government Policy and language in India 9.4    Language and Politics in India Self Check Exercise-II 9.5    Linguistic Based States in India 9.6    Tensions and Violence over Language in India Self Check Exercise-III 9.7    Summary 9.8    Answer to self-check exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 9.9    Suggested Readings 9.10    Terminated Questions 9.0 Introduction Language politics is the way language and linguistic differences between peoples are dealt with in the political arena. This could manifest as government recognition, as well as how language is treated in official capacities. Language is closely related to culture and therefore to the customs of people. Besides, the massive spread of education and growth of mass literacy can only occur through the medium of the mother tongue. Democracy can become real to the common people only when politics and administration are conducted through the language they can understand. Hence language plays an important role in the social and economic development of the region. Since independence in 1947, linguistic affinity has served as a basis for organizing interest groups; the "language question" itself has become an increasingly sensitive political issue. Efforts to reach a consensus on a single national language that transcends the myriad linguistic regions and is acceptable to diverse language communities have been largely unsuccessful. The language policy of India is basically embodied in part XVII of the Indian Constitution along with the 8th schedule in reference to articles 344 and 351 (which specify the languages of India for purposes mentioned in these 2 articles), and the articles concerning Fundamental Rights regarding language, education, and culture etc. The language policy gives full freedom to the states to choose any language or languages spoken in regions as their regional languages and to have one or more of them as official languages by different states. However, the Union's Constitution designates English as an associate official language and Hindi in Devanagari script for official purposes. The Indian Language Policy covers a broad range of topics including the use of languages in public communication, administration, education, the court, and the legislature. It is focused on language survival as well as language growth. The policy's declared objective is to support the development of all languages, but it is meant to encourage residents to use their mother tongue in certain, defined levels and areas through incremental procedures. 9.1    Learning Objectives: After this lesson to make learner capable to •    To understand the language based issue in Indian Politics •    To analysis the history of language in India 9.2    Language issue in India Many Indian nationalists originally intended that Hindi would replace English the language of British rule (1757-1947) as a medium of common communication. Both Hindi and English are extensively used, and each has its own supporters. Native speakers of Hindi, who are concentrated in North India, contend that English, as a relic from the colonial past and spoken by only a small fraction of the population, is hopelessly elitist and unsuitable as the nation's official language. Proponents of English argue, in contrast, that the use of Hindi is unfair because it is a liability for those Indians who do not speak it as their native tongue. English, they say, at least represents an equal handicap for Indians of every region. English continues to serve as the language of prestige. Efforts to switch to Hindi or other regional tongues encounter stiff opposition both from those who know English well and whose privileged position requires proficiency in that tongue and from those who see it as a means of upward mobility. Partisans of English also maintain it is useful and indeed necessary as a link to the rest of the world, that India is lucky that the colonial period left a language that is now the world's predominant international language in the fields of culture, science, technology, and commerce. They hold, too, that widespread knowledge of English is necessary for technological and economic progress and that reducing its role would leave India a backwater in world affairs. Determining what should be called a language or a dialect has taken a political angle and initiated a sense of regionalism attached to it. Anti-Hindi agitations erupted in Tamil Nadu in 1937, a decade before India obtained independence, and much before Hindi was even declared the country's official language. In that year, the Indian National Congress Party came to power in the Madras Presidency (modern-day Tamil Nadu). Chief Minister C. Rajagopalachari, heading the Congress, introduced Hindi as a compulsory language in the Presidency's public schools. This order was immediately met with opposition by social activist Periyar E.V Ramasamy, leader of the opposition Justice Party (Dravida Kazhagam) and advocate for a separate Dravidian State. His denunciation triggered massive resistance against the mandatory instruction of Hindi in schools. C. Rajagopalachari's insistence that, Hindi must be learnt in public schools was related to the acknowledgement that Hindi was the primary language used in the government; he encouraged South Indians to learn Hindi as it would greatly help them in obtaining offices, and consequently a voice, in the government. Despite the growing protests, his administration issued a government order in 1938, making the teaching of Hindi compulsory in 125 schools of the Madras Presidency. Viewing his insistence as an effort to undermine and destroy the Tamil language and its culture, a large-scale movement arose, marked by fasts, demonstrations, protest-marches, processions, and the destruction of public property. The protests only subsided in 1940, when the government withdrew its initial order and instead made the teaching of Hindi optional rather than compulsory. The next decade was embedded with similar agitations, that erupted most often in relation to education; whenever the Congress government tried to institute a change in the curriculum by making Hindi compulsory during certain academic years, or by introducing a minimum mark qualification in Hindi for promotion to higher classes, the leaders of the Dravida Kazhakam initiated protests all over the state. Every time the protests abated, the administration would try to re-institute Hindi in schools, triggering yet another round of demonstrations. The movement was characterized by a growing Anti-Brahminism and incorporated not only Anti-Hindi elements in some cases, but also Anti-English ones; some leaders of the movement, members of the DK, turned their eyes and ambitions towards a separate Tamil state. A growing number of college students in Madras State were supporting the anti-Hindi agitation as the day (26 January 1965) of making Hindi the only official language drew near. Anger-fueled students and Congress party members got into a little skirmish, which led to a full-scale riot in the southern city of Madurai. The riots, which were characterized by acts of violence, burning, looting, police shooting, and lathi charges, extended throughout Madras State and continued unabatedly for the following two months. In an attempt to put an end to the unrest, the Madras State Congress Government dispatched paramilitary troops; according to official estimates, this action claimed the lives of over 70 people, including two police officers. In an attempt to defuse the tensions, Indian Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri promised that as long as the states that do not speak Hindi desired, English would remain the national language. Following Shastri's guarantee, the student uprising also decreased and the rioting stopped. The state saw significant political changes as a result of the agitations in 1965. Following the DMK's victory in the 1967 assembly election, the Congress Party was unable to regain control of the state. The Congress Government, led by Indira Gandhi, finally revised the Official Languages Act in 1967 to ensure Hindi and English would always be used as official languages. The Indian Republic's present "virtual indefinite policy of bilingualism" was essentially guaranteed by this. Two other, smaller-scale agitations occurred in 1968 and 1986, with differing degrees of success. Students in Madras were particularly worried that if Hindi was used extensively in government services, it would hurt their chances of getting hired by the government. Additionally, they thought it was unjust because although natural Hindi speakers would only need to learn English, they would have to learn both Hindi and English. In order to provide a more equitable educational burden, the "Three Language Formula" was implemented as a solution. It was required of people from nonHindi areas to study Hindi, English, and their local tongue (or another European language). Hindi speakers were required to take classes in Hindi, English, and another language. It aims to satisfy the needs of national pride and Lessiony (Hindi), group identity (mother tongues and regional languages), administrative effectiveness, and technical advancement (English). This was good in principle, but in fact, as with many things, it was not followed. States in Hindi did not do much to enforce this curriculum. Despite Tamil Nadu's lack of interest in Hindi education, the Anti-Hindi DMK administration in Madras protested over the northern states' failure to use the Three Language Formula and ended Hindi instruction in Tamil Nadu's schools. The Three Language Formula has shown to be ineffective in India, despite its success in other contexts. Rajiv Gandhi, the prime minister of India, also unveiled the "National Education Policy" in 1986. The DMK asserted that Hindi instruction would be required in these Navodaya Schools, which were to be established under this education strategy. [Tamil Nadu was ruled by the M. G. Ramachandran-led Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (ADMK), which broke away from the DMK in 1972. The DMK was the primary opposition party. A protest against the inauguration of Navodaya Schools in Tamil Nadu was announced by Karunanidhi. The Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly overwhelmingly approved a motion on November 13th calling for the union's only official language to be English and the abolition of Part XVII of the constitution. Self Check Exercise-1 What is language politics? What is the language policy of India? 9.3    Government Policy and Language in India The Indian constitution recognizes official languages. Articles 343 through 351 address the use of Hindi, English, and regional languages for official purposes, with the aim of a nationwide use of Hindi while guaranteeing the use of minority languages at the state and local levels. Hindi has been designated India's official language, although many impediments to its official use exist. Hindi, Bengali, Telugu, Marathi, Tamil, Urdu, Gujarati, Malayalam, Kannada, Oriya, Punjabi, Assamese, Kashmiri, Sindhi, and Sanskrit are the fifteen official languages of the country. Eighth Schedule to the Constitution: Assamese, Bengali, Gujarati, Hindi, Kannada, Kashmiri, Konkani, Malayalam, Manipuri, Marathi, Nepali, Oriya, Punjabi, Sanskrit, Sindhi, Tamil, Telugu, and Urdu are the eighteen official or Scheduled Languages as revised by Parliament in 1992. The exact quantity of people who speak these languages is debatable. Due to individual speakers' usage of several languages, estimates are very variable and they were not included in the 1991 census. Of the official languages, about 41 percent of the population speaks Hindi as their mother tongue. Telugu, Bengali, Marathi, and Tamil rank next, each the mother tongue of about 4 to 5 percent of the population; Urdu, Gujarati, Malayalam, Kannada, and Oriya are claimed by between 2 and 3 percent of the populace; Bhojpuri, Punjabi, and Assamese by 1 to 2 percent; and all other languages by less than 1 percent each. The teaching of Hindi and English is compulsory in most states and union territories. Twenty-two languages are legally recognized by the constitution for various political, educational, and other purposes: Assamese, Bengali, Bodo, Dogri, Gujarati, Hindi, Kannada, Kashmiri, Konkani, Maithali, Malayalam, Manipuri, Marathi, Nepali, Oriya, Punjabi, Sanskrit, Santhali, Sindhi, Tamil, Telugu, and Urdu. Numerous other languages are recognized by individual states but not officially recognized by the central government, and linguistic issues related to education, employment, and politics are sometimes politically contentious. Indeed, some state borders are based on linguistic lines. 9.4    Language and Politics in India Regional languages are an issue in the politically charged atmosphere surrounding language policy. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, attempts were made to redraw state boundaries to coincide with linguistic usage. Such efforts have had mixed results. Linguistic affinity has often failed to overcome other social and economic differences. In addition, most states have linguistic minorities, and questions surrounding the definition and use of the official language in those regions are fraught with controversy. States have been accused of failure to fulfill their obligations under the national constitution to provide for the education of linguistic minorities in their mother tongues, even when the minority language is a Scheduled Language. Although the constitution requires that legal documents and petitions may be submitted in any of the Scheduled Languages to any government authority, this right is rarely exercised. Under such circumstances, members of linguistic minorities may feel they and their language are oppressed by the majority, while people who are among linguistic majorities may feel threatened by what some might consider minor concessions. Thus, attempts to make seemingly minor accommodations for social diversity may have extensive and volatile ramifications. For example, in 1994 a proposal in Bangalore to introduce an Urdu-language television news segment (aimed primarily at Muslim viewers) led to a week of urban riots that left dozens dead and millions of dollars in property damage. Self-Check Exercise-II 1)     Which factor is responsible for the development of regionalism in India? 2)     What are the types of regionalism? 9.5    Linguistic Based States in India The constitution and various other government documents are purposely vague in defining such terms as national languages and official languages and in distinguishing either one from officially adopted regional languages. States are free to adopt their own language of administration and educational instruction from among the country's officially recognized languages, the Scheduled Languages. Further, all citizens have the right to primary education in their native tongue, although the constitution does not stipulate how this objective is to be accomplished. As drafted, in the constitution Hindi and English were to be the languages of communication for the central government until 1965, when they switch to Hindi was mandated. The Official Languages Act of 1963, pursuing this mandate, said that Hindi would become the sole official national language in 1965. English, however, would continue as an "associate additional official language." After ten years, a parliamentary committee was to consider the situation and whether the status of English should continue if the knowledge of Hindi among peoples of other native languages had not progressed sufficiently. The act, however, was ambiguous about whether Hindi could be imposed on unwilling states by 1975. In 1964 the Ministry of Home Affairs requested all central ministries to state their progress on the switch to Hindi and their plans for the period after the transition date in 1965. The news of this directive led to massive riots and self-immolations in Tamil Nadu in late 1964 and early 1965, leading the central government, and then run by the Congress, to back away from its stand. A conference of Congress leaders, cabinet ministers, and chief ministers of all the states was held in New Delhi in June 1965. Non-Hindi-speaking states were assured that Hindi would not be imposed as the sole language of communication between the central government and the states if even one state objected. In addition, any of the Scheduled Languages could be used in taking examinations for entry into the central government services. Before independence in 1947, the Congress was committed to redrawing state boundaries to correspond with linguistics. The States Reorganization Commission, which was formed in 1953 to study the problems involved in redrawing state boundaries, viewed language as an important, although by no means the sole, factor. Other factors, such as economic viability and geographic realities, had to be considered. The commission issued its report in 1955; the government's request for comments from the populace generated a flood of petitions and letters. The final bill, passed in 1956 and amended several times in the 1960s, by no means resolved even the individual states' linguistic problems. 9.6    Tensions and Violence over Language in India In 1965, many people died and immolated themselves in Anti-Hindi riots in southern India by ethnic Dravidians, whose languages has little in common with the Aryan languages spoken in the north. Even regions with a long history of agitation for a linguistic state sometimes have found the actual transition less than smooth. For example, proponents began lobbying for a Telugu-speaking state in the early twentieth century. In 1956 the central government formed a single state, Andhra Pradesh, composed of the predominantly Telugu-speaking parts of what in British India had been the Madras Presidency and the large polyglot princely state of Hyderabad. Although more than 80 percent of the residents (some 53 million people as of 1991) of Andhra Pradesh speak Telugu, like most linguistic states it has a sizable linguistic minority. In this instance, the minority is made up of Urdu speakers who are concentrated in Hyderabad, the state capital, where around 40% of the population (or 1.7 million people in 1991) speaks the language. Because of their cultural and economic contrasts, the two areas from which the state had been founded did not have linguistic affinity to serve as a solid foundation for groupings. Despite riots advocating for the creation of two distinct states in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the division did not materialize. The complexity of language and ethnic politics in South Asia was mirrored in the violence that erupted in the state of Assam in the early 1980s. Muslims who speak Bengali make up a sizable portion of the state's population. These immigrants and their descendants first settled the area in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The Muslims arrived in response to a British-initiated colonization initiative to cultivate Assamese land that had been left barren. The Assamese had lost much of their land by the time of the 1931 census, and they were now a marginalized minority in their ancestral region. They made up less than thirty-three percent of Assamese population overall, although the majority of the population—roughly twenty-five percent of Muslims—dominated the state administration and business. Assamese-Bengali riots began in 1950, and many Bengalis claimed Assamese as their native language in the 1951 census in an attempt to appease the Assamese. Assamese concerns about being outnumbered were rekindled by the influx of Bengali speakers following the creation of Bangladesh in 1971 and by the return of pro-Bengali sentiment among the offspring of previous immigrants. Because of the seriousness of the renewed violence in the early and mid-1980s, the federal government decided not to hold general elections in Assam in December 1984. Self Check Exercise-III 1.    Who is first state formed on the basis of linguistic? 9.7    Summary The preservation of cultural and linguistic diversity in today's world is a major concern to many scientists, artists, writers, politicians, leaders of linguistic communities and defenders of linguistic human rights. More than half of the 6000 languages currently spoken in the world are estimated to be in danger of disappearing during the 21st century. Many factors affect the existence and usage of any given human language, including the size of the native speaking population, its use in formal communication, and the geographical dispersion and the socioeconomic weight of its speakers. National language policies can either mitigate or exacerbate the effects of some of these factors. 9.8    Answer to self check ExerciseSelf Check Exercise-1 Ans. 1) The term language politics refers to all the ways that language can be used as leverage to manage people, gain power and promote special interests. For example, many countries have an official language, and immigrants are often expected to know that language. Language politics is also demonstrated in the way that certain words go out of favor and become "politically incorrect." If a person uses these outdated words, he or she might be viewed as a bigot, or at the very least, unenlightened. Some words that refer to race, sex, origin or sexual orientation can be used to do emotional harm to people Ans. 2) The Union's official business must be conducted in Hindi and English for a period of fifteen years, as stipulated by the 1950 Constitution 343(2) and 343(3). Hindi should thereafter become the only official language of the Union. Hindi proved to be a challenging replacement for English despite significant opposition from the southern states, where Dravidian dialects were spoken. They felt that the central government was trying to make the whole country, even the south, speak Hindi, so they decided to stick with English, which they considered to be more "adequate" because it was not associated with any one ethnic group as Hindi was. Self Check Exercise-II Ans 1. In India, historical and cultural factors play a significant role in shaping regionalism. Cultural heritage, folklore, myths, symbolism, and historical traditions contribute to regionalism by inspiring a sense of pride and identity among people of a particular cultural group. Ans. 2. First type of regionalism may be designated as supra —state regionalism which is an expression of group identity of several states. In this type of regionalism, the group of states join hands to take common stand on the issue of mutual interest vis-a- vis another group of states or at times against the union. The group identity thus forged is negative in character and based on specific issue or issues. The Second type of regionalism may be designated as inter-state regionalism which is coterminous with provincial territories and involves juxtaposing of the identities of one or more states against another. It is also issue specific. The issue is highlighted because it sabotages their interest. Disputes between Karnataka and Tamilnadu over the distribution of Kaveri water may be construed as inter-state regionalism. Self Check Exercise-III Ans. Andhra Pradesh on 1 October 1953. 9.9    Suggested Readings •    Sarangi, A. (2010). Language and Politics in India. Oxford University Press •    Brass, P.R. (2005). Language, Religion and Politics in North India. Universal press. 9.10    . Terminal Questions 1.    What do you mean by regionalism? Explain their caused and impact on Indian Politics 2.    Examine the History of Linguistic politics of India 3.    Why Language matter in India politics? Discuss. 4.    What do you think question of regionalism and language divided Indian politics? Unit- 10: Regional Politics in India 10.0 Introduction 10.1    Learning Objectives 10.2    Causes and Forms of Regionalism Self check exercise-I 10.3    History of Regional Movements in India Self check exercise-II 10.4    Different Types of Regional Movements have occurred in India Self check exercise-III 10.5    The Impacts of Regionalism on Indian Polity 10.6    Summary 10.7    Answer to self check Exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 10.8    Suggested readings 10.9    Terminal Questions 10.0 Introduction The manifestation of a shared sense of identity and purpose by residents of a particular geographic area, each with its own distinct language, culture, etc., is known as regionalism. Positively, it fosters a sense of unity and fraternity among people that works to safeguard local interests and advances the welfare and advancement of the state and its citizens. In a bad way, it suggests an unhealthy degree of devotion to one's home area, which poses a serious risk to the integrity and Lessiony of the nation. The term'regionalism' has often been used negatively in the Indian context. 10.1    Learning Objectives •    To under the nature of regionalism •    How the politics of India is affected by the role of Region? •    To understand the positive and negative impact regionalism in India 10.2    Causes of Regionalism •    Geographical Factors: India's terrain is varied. The nation is home to a variety of climatic types. This shift in topography has an impact on regional customs, diets, and lifestyles. •    Linguistic Factors: India has a diverse range of languages, which can foster a sense of belonging to a particular area rather than the nation as a whole. •    Measures include elevating regionalism and making Hindi the official language had an impact on non-Hindi speakers. •    Historical Factors: India has experienced a lot of authority. Regional control was occasionally exercised independently and occasionally jointly, as exemplified by Akbar. •    Growing regionalism resulted from the British tactic of divide and rule as India faced colonialism. •    Feelings of regionalism have been sparked by the prejudice or disregard experienced by places like the Northeast. •    Regional leaders attempt to garner support by endorsing regionalism. Discriminated-against areas have started to acknowledge their status as constituents of a region rather than a nation. Forms of Regionalism: In India, regionalism has taken many forms, including: •    Demand for State Autonomy: As a result of regionalism, states have often asked for more autonomy from the federal government. As the Center gets increasingly involved in state matters, conflicts in the region have been observed. Some regions within different Indian states have also indicated a desire for autonomy, or self-reliance. •    Breaking away from the Union: This is a very risky form of regionalism. It manifests when states seek autonomy from the federal government and endeavor to forge their own identities apart from the country. •  State-to-state disagreements over the allocation of river water, as well as the weight that each state places on its official language and its citizens when it comes to employment opportunities, have also contributed to regionalism. •    People moving to developed states in search of employment opportunities from underdeveloped countries As demonstrated by the issues in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, lesions have frequently led to a discriminating attitude toward migrants. Self-Check Exercise-I 1.    Why regionalism developed in the country? 10.3    History of Regional Movements in IndiaOrigin in Colonial Era: The origins of regional awareness in India may be traced back to British colonial policies, attitudes, and treatment of princely states, as well as the development of regionalist inclinations among the presidencies. Regional imbalances and economic inequities resulted from the British government's exploitative economic policies, which utterly ignored some regions. Movements in Southern India: The Dravida Movement, also known as the Non-Brahmin movement, originated in modern-day Tamil Nadu in the 1940s and is considered the beginning of regional movements in India.A distinct and independent Tamil state was eventually demanded as a result of the campaign. This led to the Andhra region's demand for its own state. India saw widespread (and deadly) mobilization for statehood claims in the 1950s and 1960s. In 1954, Potti Sri Ramulu led the uprising for Andhrain's independence. The inevitable wave of political regionalism in India was set off by his death. Establishment of States Reorganization Committee: In response to separatist movements throughout India, the States Reorganisation Committee was established, with Faisal Ali as its chairman and Hriday Nath Kunzru and K.M. Pankar as its two members.It suggested rearranging Indian states according to linguistic distinctions, hence strengthening regionalist inclinations. Linguistic states were made possible by the States Reorganization Act of 1956. Rebellions in Northeastern India: The North-eastern States Reorganization Act, 1971 was established by the Union government in response to the intensifying tribal insurgencies in the northeastern area of India throughout the 1970s and 1980s demanding statehood and independence. It proclaimed the Sub-State of Meghalaya and the UTs of Manipur and Tripura to be states. Former tribal districts Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh were made into union territories before being admitted as states in 1986. Major Changes in the 21st Century A growing perception of regional deprivation gave rise to intense initiatives for the formation of independent states in the 2000s. As a result, three new states were created: Uttarakhand from Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand from Bihar, and Chhattisgarh from Madhya Pradesh. The split of Andhra Pradesh resulted in the creation of the state in 2014. The state of Jammu and Kashmir was divided into J&K and Ladakh, two Union Territories, by the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganization Act, 2019, albeit this division was not based on language. There are now 8 UTs and 28 states in India. Self check exercise-II 1.    What are regional tendencies in north eastern India? 10.4    Different Types of Regional Movements have occurred in India Secessionism: It is a type of regionalism in which radical and fundamentalist organizations call for breaking away from India due to any number of reasons, including ethnicity. Examples of such an extreme degree of regionalism are Isaac Muivah's National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM), the Islamic fundamentalist organizations in J&K, and the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) in Assam. Separatism: The quest for distinct states inside the Indian Union is known as separatism. Language or ethnic minorities within a state sometimes band together and rebel against the state's dominant population. Separatism may be seen in the creation of Telangana, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, and Uttarakhand. Other similar demands that have been in news include - Bodoland was established for the Assamese Bodo speakers. West Bengal's Gorkhaland is home to the ethnic Gorkha (Nepali) community. A state called Bundelkhand, which includes portions of Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh, was created to encourage regional development. Demand for Full Statehood: Similar requests have been made by the union territories, such as the NCT of Delhi. The majority of these requests have already been granted. Following the complete statehood of Himachal Pradesh in 1971, Manipur, Tripura, Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh, and Sikkim also attained full statehood. Demand for Autonomy: Due to political meddling from the center, the desire for state autonomy has been becoming stronger since the 1960s with the rise of regional parties. Numerous political factions in states like as Tamil Nadu, Punjab, Andhra Pradesh, and West Bengal have persistently advocated for an increased proportion of authority for the states. Demand for Regional Autonomy within a State: People from different areas have been asking for their regional identities to be recognized in some of the states. These kinds of demands have their roots in the disparities in the regions that come from poor planning. For example, Ladakhi people demanded a regional status in the former state of J&K. Self Check Exercise-III 1    Write a .Brief note on regional movement in India? 10.5    The Impacts of Regionalism on Indian Polity Positive Impacts •    From a democratic standpoint, positive regionalism benefits democracy by fostering the growth of regional parties. •    Locals are more inclined to support a candidate who was born and raised there or a party that is localized, which keeps one political party from becoming monopolized in the area. Furthermore, the son of the land is more inclined to relate to the aboriginal people and take up their issues as his own. •    Policymakers frequently focus on the underlying regional concerns as a result of regionalism. It assists in resolving problems that are too big for one branch of government to handle on its own. •    A more comprehensive regional perspective facilitates enhanced planning, including improved transportation connections, more effective infrastructure, and improved distribution of products and services. •    Proactive regionalism encourages a feeling of pride in maintaining ties to one's cultural and ancestral origins. •    It has been observed that regional movements frequently contribute to the flourishing of many underappreciated regions' arts and cultures by boosting their visibility through local attention. Negative Impacts •    A regional movement frequently leads to violent agitations, disrupts the condition of law and order, and has detrimental effects on the state and national economies. •    Regionalism occasionally undermines the national interest by standing in the way of foreign diplomacy. •    Regionalism can provide a cover for militancy and extremism to constitute a threat to domestic security. •    Tensions between the two countries grew as a result of the political leadership in West Bengal and the national government disagreeing over the treaty with Bangladesh. •    National sovereignty is threatened by parochial regionalism. Secessionism can emerge from regionalism taken too far; in Punjab, for example, strong regionalism eventually fuelled the rise of Khalistani terrorism. •    As a knock-on consequence, regionalist inclinations frequently incite animosity between states. There have been cases of anti-immigrant sentiment in more job-friendly areas like Maharashtra. The state's regional authorities have frequently resisted non-Maharashtra residents' employment and housing in the state. National integration is weakened by regionalism, which frequently encourages vote-bank politics. If regionalism is pushed in an extreme manner, it might jeopardize the tried-and-true foundation of "Lessiony in Diversity." 10.6    Summary The growing awareness among the people of backward areas that they are being discriminated against has also promoted the feeling of regionalism. The local political leaders have fully exploited this factor and try to feed the people with the idea that the central government was deliberately trying to maintain regional imbalances by neglecting social and economic development of certain area. The desire of certain regional parties to capture power also led to rise of regionalism. It is well-known that political parties like DMK, AIADMK, Akali Dal, Telugu Desam, Asom Gana Parishad, etc., have encouraged regionalism to capture political power. 10.7    Answer to self-Check ExerciseSelf Check Exercise-1 • Ans.1 Regionalism is the development of political and economic systems based on loyalty to distinct geographic regions. Regionalism often results in formal political or economic arrangements between groups of countries intended to achieve common goals. In case of India, The geographical boundaries in India are closely linked to linguistic distribution, topography, and climate, leading to a territorial orientation among the inhabitants of a particular region. This induces a sense of regionalism in people based on their symbolic attachment to their region. Self check Exercise-II Ans. This has led to escalated regional tendencies in various pockets of the North Eastern region of India. Cultural assertiveness and regionalism are closely linked, as many regional movements are driven by a desire to protect and promote the unique cultural identities of their respective regions. Self Check Exercise-III Ans.1) the establishment of Bodoland in Assam for the Bodo-speaking community, Gorkhaland in West Bengal for the ethnic Gorkha (Nepali) community, and a state called Bundelkhand in West Bengal that includes parts of Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh in order to foster regional development. 10.    8 Suggested Readings •    Majumdar, A.K. and Singh, B. (1997). Regionalism in Indian politics. Radha Publications •    Mishra, R.N. (1984). Regionalism and State politics in India. Ashish Publisher. •    Mukherjee, B. (1992). Regionalism in Indian Perspectives. K.P. Bagchi. •    Sarangi, A. (2010). Language and Politics in India. Oxford University Press •    Brass, P.R. (2005). Language, Religion and Politics in North India. Universal press. 10.9 Terminal Questions 1.    What do you mean by regionalism? Explain their caused and impact on Indian Politics 2.    Examine the History of Linguistic politics of India 3.    Why Language matter in India politics? Discuss. 4.    What do you think question of regionalism and language divided Indian politics? Unit- 11 Gender Politics: Women Movement 11.0 Introduction 11.1 Learning Objectives 11.2    Women rights Movement 11.3    Women Organisation in India Self check Exercise-I 11.4    Women movement in India Self check Exercise-II 11.5    The Autonomous Women’s movement Self check Exercise-III 11.6    Women and Political Parties in India Self check Exercise-IV 11.7S ummary 11.8 Answer to self-check exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 11.9    Suggested Reading 11.10    Terminated Questions. 11.0 Introduction Gender and politics, also called gender in politics, is a field of study in political science and gender studies that aims to understand the relationship between peoples' genders and phenomena in politics. Researchers of gender and politics study how peoples' political participation and experiences interact with their gender identity, and how ideas of gender shape political institutions and decision-making. Women's political participation in the context of patriarchal political systems is a particular focus of study. Gender and politics is an interdisciplinary field, drawing not just from political science and gender studies but also related fields such as feminist political thought, and peoples' gendered treatment is commonly seen as intersectional linked to their entire social identity. A central concern in the study of gender and politics is the patriarchal exclusion of women from politics, which is a common but not universal theme historically and across cultures. As the involvement of women in public affairs increased across many societies during the 20th and 21st centuries, academic attention was also increasingly focused on the changing role of women in politics. For example, a common topic in the study of gender and politics is the participation of women as politicians, voters, and activists in a particular country. Since that participation exists in some political context, many scholars of gender and politics also study the political mechanisms that either enable or suppress women's participation in politics; women's social participation may increase or decrease as a result of political institutions, government policies, or social events. Another common topic of study is the impact on women of particular social policies, such as debates over women's rights, reproductive rights,[12] women in government quotas, and policies on violence against women. 11.1    Learning Objectives: after this lesson students will be able to learn •  To understand the nature of women and their demand of equality •  To understand the women movement in world •  To understand the nature of women movement in India: their issues and concerns •  To understand the women role in political parties in India 11.2 . Women rights Movement The women's rights movement, sometimes known as the women's liberation movement, was a broad social movement that arose in the 1960s and 1970s in the Lessoned States and aimed to provide women more personal freedom as well as equal rights and opportunities. It was acknowledged as a component of the “second wave” and corresponded with it. While women's legal rights, particularly the ability to vote (see women's suffrage), were the primary focus of first-wave feminism in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, second-wave feminism addressed all facets of women's lives, including politics, the workplace, the family, and sexuality. During the third and fourth waves of feminism, which emerged in the mid-1990s and the early 2010s, respectively, organized activity by and on behalf of women persisted. See feminism for additional information about historical and modern feminists as well as the movements for women they sparked. Following World War II, women's lives saw significant transformation in industrialized nations. Life expectancy rose sharply, household technology reduced the strains of homemaking, and the expansion of the service industry created thousands of occupations that did not need physical stamina. Sexual inequality was maintained by legislative precedents and cultural attitudes, particularly with regard to women's employment, in spite of these socioeconomic changes. Simone de Beauvoir, a French writer and philosopher, provided a clear explanation of the repressive consequences of dominant conceptions of femininity in her book Le Deuxième Sex. It became a global best book and increased awareness of feminism by emphasizing that men were as entitled to freedom when women were. The public's first inkling of impending change was the response from women to Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique, which was published in 1963. The issue of complete boredom and unfulfillment that "lay buried, unspoken" in the suburban housewife's head was mentioned by Friedan. She stated that domesticity had deadened women who had been assured they had it all— nice houses, cute kids, and responsible husbands—and that these women were too socially conditioned to see their own misery. Instantly, The Feminine Mystique became a best-seller. Friedan had made an impression. At first, women galvanized by Friedan's book teamed together with union representatives and government officials to press the federal government for protection against workplace discrimination and equal pay. They had come to the conclusion that courteous requests were insufficient by June 1966. They would require a women's National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)-style pressure group of their own. The National Organization for Women (NOW) was established as a result. 11.3    Women Organisations in India In India, women's groups started to take shape in the early 1900s and then again in the 1970s, following a brief hiatus of activity during the 1950s and 1970s. Bharat Stree Mahamandal, one of the first women's groups, was founded in 1910 with the goal of assisting women in escaping male domination. Customarily, women's groups were founded with the assistance of males, who restricted the advancement of traditional gender roles while denying few women access to employment and education. The All India Women's Conference (AIWC), which was established in 1927 to promote women's education, had a significant role in the Hindu Code of Bills' enactment between 1952 and 1960. In the freedom struggle, women played a significant role in opposing British colonial control over India by organizing demonstrations and open forums to advocate for independence. The problems of gender discrimination and India's stalling growth gave rise to the new wave of feminism in the 1970s. A 1974 study of the Committee on the Status of Women in India had a major role in the resurgence of gender equality agitation. The study emphasized the notable distinctions between males and females in India, encompassing variations in the ratio of sexes, death rates, occupation, literacy, and discrimination in wages. The study served as a catalyst for the women's movement by highlighting the persistent inequality faced by Indian women. The women's movement has continued to center on gender inequality, with particular attention paid to problems like sexual abuse against women, the Women's Reservation Bill, and the Uniform Civil Code. In India, women's groups—formal and informal—have grown at the state, national, and rural levels. India's women's groups tackle a wide range of issues, including violence against women, poverty, the environment, and women's empowerment. The AIWC is a well-known women's organization in India that was founded in 1927 with the goal of educating and empowering Indian women. With more than 100,000 members and 500 chapters throughout India, the AIWC has contributed to the passing of bills pertaining to the Hindu Code, the Maternity Benefit Act, and the Sarda Act. There is a notable presence of Indian women in grassroots movement. One successful women's movement in India is the Chipko movement, which began in the 1970s and resulted in the protection of the region by women protesting the deforestation in Uttarakhand. Women's organizations have concentrated on issues of violence against women since India gained its freedom. Women's movements have concentrated on issues such as domestic violence, sati, rape, female feticides, dowry deaths, and rates of female mortality. Tragedies like the 1972 Mathura rape case, Tarvinder Kaur's dowry death in 1979, Roop Kanwar's sati death in 1987, Bhanwari Devi's gang rape in 1992, and the 2012 New Delhi gang rape case have kept the movement focused on rape and given rise to numerous local and national women's organizations. Self Check Exercise-1 1)    Which was First women organisation in India? 2)    Describe second phase of women organisation in India? 11. 4 Women movement in India The radicalization of Indian politics in the late 1960s served as the impetus for the emergence of the new women's liberation movement. Numerous special interest organizations that cater to the interests and desires of the local populace were formed as a result of the rebellious spirit of the young, impoverished peasants, marginal farmers, educated Dalit and tribal men and women, and industrial working classes. Due to the subaltern masses' adoption of violent protest movements led by divergent political ideologies, there were also significant changes occurring in the language used by macro political processes. The Naxalbari movement posed a serious political threat to the official communist parties in Kerala, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, and Punjab. Under the direction of Gandhian leader Jay Prakash Narayan, the middle class mass uprising in Gujarat (known as the Navnirman movement) against corruption, price increases, unemployment, speculation, hoarding, and black marketing in 1974 was replicated in Bihar as the Sampoorna Kranti Movement. The historically long railway workers' strike demonstrated the working class's political clout and unity. The fight of the tribal people against the destructive development that benefited the kulaks, moneylenders, contractors, bootleggers, and native industrialists who lived off the brutish methods of excess extraction that were developed in parts of the North Eastern states, Chhattisgarh, Singhbhoom, Bhojpur, Srikakulam, Chandrapur, and Dhulia. The Employment Guarantee Scheme was sought by the tribal masses in the Dhule area of Maharashtra as a reaction to the drought that rendered regular agricultural operations impossible in 1974. This historic demand completely changed the way development workers thought about the state's obligations during an economic downturn. A United Front known as the Anti-Price Rise Women's Committee was formed in Maharashtra by women activists and intellectuals active in progressive organizations. They then planned direct action against the individuals responsible for the artificial shortage of necessities. Under the direction of experienced and capable women with socialist and leftist backgrounds, thousands of women from lower middle class and impoverished backgrounds joined the 153 Women's Movements in Contemporary India-II. The public's perception of Mrinal Gore, Ahalya Ranganekar, Manju Gandhi, and Tara Reddy was shaped by their exceptional capacity to relate to women from a variety of socioeconomic backgrounds. For the younger generation of women's liberation activists of various political persuasions, their intellectual independence, capacity to connect small-scale problems to larger political realities, modest lifestyle, and lack of ego served as role models. The Women's Liberation Movement Coordination Committee held a summit in Pune at about the same time. The sociopolitical and cultural base of this was even wider because women from various backgrounds, including young, educated women, professionals, writers, teachers, industrial working-class women, women employed in the unorganized sector, temple prostitutes, and tribal women, participated in the discussions and voiced their demands. In 1974, the Progressive Organization of Women in Hyderabad and the Stree Mukti Sangathana in Bombay were established. The radical student movement and the democratic rights movement gave rise to new female leadership in Delhi. Women in many political groups across India were unhappy about patriarchal prejudices in their organizations, but they waited to publicly criticize it until the emergency rule ended. These were democratic movements that were autonomous and selfgoverning, challenging all forms of hierarchy. The youth of that era in India had not shared in the aspirations of the nationalist struggle. The disillusioned young protested in response to a multitude of issues, including political, social, and economic ones, as well as corruption, drought, inflation, unemployment, and the impoverishment of rural communities. Publicly voiced displeasure was widespread and open, and when it coalesced, it formed strong national groups. These protests brought up a wide range of concerns, including the exploitation and oppression of Dalits and the working class, as well as land rights, salaries, employment, workplace security, and the availability of water. Several women took part in these battles with zeal, accountability, and inventiveness. The Emergency Rule in India was in effect at the same time that the UN declared 1975 to be International Women's Year. When the Emergency was abolished in 1977, a number of women's organizations have endorsed concerns related to democratic rights. After being forced into quiet for over two years, the media suddenly became "active." During the Emergency, crimes against women were publicly recorded and covered by the media. The majority of women found these horrors to be relatable to their own experiences in the home, on the streets, in the office, and in political organizations. When several women's organizations staged protests in the streets in 1980, this process came to an end. Women's oppression was a topic of discussion in popular media throughout the 1980s, in addition to serious publications, seminars, and discussion forums 154 Women's Agency in PostIndependence India. Women were starting to gain a vocabulary, an organizational platform, a collective identity, and legitimacy that they had not previously had once they had independently determined the causes of their issues and humiliation. In 1974, the Government of India appointed the Status of the Women's Committee, which published a lengthy report. This study, titled "Towards Equality," was written by academics with an interdisciplinary viewpoint and submitted to the Indian Parliament. The print media, state machinery, and decisionmaking bodies all responded favorably to the report. Among the report's main points were its startling portrayal of the realities faced by Indian women, which included a falling sex ratio, a high rate of female death and illness, economic marginalization of women, and discriminatory personal laws. However, the research did not provide any light on the violence against women committed by law enforcement and other civil society members. A significant accomplishment of the report was the policy decision made by the main research body, such as the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR), to fund researchers who are dedicated to the cause of women and to investigate issues that affect women living in poverty. New women's organizations started to form in 1977 and 1979 in places including Delhi, Bangalore, Hyderabad, Bombay, Ahmedabad, Patna, and Madras. They planned protests against custodial rape, beauty pageants, sexist media portrayals of women, imported pornographic books and films, dowry killings, the implementation of virginity tests by UK immigration officials, and the appalling conditions that imprison women face. The makeup and worldview of these groupings were multicultural. Their political agenda therefore mirrored the way in which women's complicated realities—built via the interaction of class, caste, religion, ethnicity, and globalization—were handled at the time. These groups' spokespeople benefited from deep ideological commitment and firsthand knowledge of the radical upheavals of the late 1960s. The movement's major support came from their combined wisdom. They offered innovative solutions to Indian women's issues through their newsletters, periodicals, and pamphlets published both in English and in regional languages. Manushi's introduction in January 1979 marked a significant advancement in this regard. By the early 1980s, Indian women's studies experts were starting to emphasize the importance of studying women's concerns in academic institutions and doing research based on experiential material and affirmative action. In addition, the discussion of this topic turned out to be beneficial for researchers, activists, academics, policy makers, and the Lessioned Nations system. Women's studies (WS) is a subject that encompasses research, documentation, teaching, training, and action, according to the University Grants Commission, the highest authority in higher education. Since it is well known that women in our culture are seen as inferior, women should benefit from the knowledge foundation that "women's studies" has produced. Self-Check Exercise -II 1)    Name of female freedom fighters participated in the Quit India Movement? 2)    Which is the 1st women organisation in India? 11.    5 The Autonomous Women’s Movement The National Conference of Autonomous Women’s Movements represents a wide participation of various women’s organisations belonging to diverse streams ranging from radical to pure feminist groups, urban women’s groups as well as rural women’s organisations, feminist intellectuals and women writers etc. The overwhelming majority of these women’s groups are NGOs or NGO-backed. Some of these organisations have done exemplary work in many specific areas concerning the women’s movement. The National Conference has, over a decade and a half, succeeded in giving some sort of national character to the grassroots women’s groups. The first national-level conference of autonomous women’s groups took place in Bombay in 1980, in the context of the then anti-rape campaign. The autonomous groups were defined as, “those who had created their own space as distinct from women’s wings of established political parties, state supported women’s groups as well as mixed organisations of men and women”. According to a note circulated by the National Coordinating Committee — a body that prepares for the national conferences — on the eve of the Fifth National Conference held at Tirupathi, the First Conference was attended by around 200 women from around 38 organisations. The focus of the conference was rape and other forms of atrocities on women though various other issues related to the women’s movement were also taken up. The second conference was also held in Bombay in 1985 in which around 380 women from 56 organisations took part. This time the conference was not limited to some specific issues but was called to discuss the perspective of the women’s movement and laid the ideological basis for the autonomous women’s movement. Feminism was declared to have provided many of these organisations, “not only a structural critique of society and of patriarchy, class, caste et al, it has also evolved into a way of life, another way of looking at world, another mode of weaving theory with praxis”. Therefore, it is claimed, that “in strategizing for change, we have at tempted to personalise politics and politicise the personal. This has meant confronting patriarchy within the family, social institutions, religion, and the stale as well as challenging core values like authoritarianism, aggression, competition, hierarchy and centralization”. On this basis, all issue like personal laws, dowry, rehabilitation centres for women in distress etc., were discussed. There was an attempt to broad base the participation for the 3rd National Conference held at Patna in 1988. Since the venue was the capital city of Bihar, participation of our women’s organisation could hardly be ignored. Hitherto the conference participants were only small women’s groups. Hut this time the powerful left-led mass women’s organisations, especially our Pragatishee Mahila Manch, was targeted for interaction. Many of these autonomous women’s groups had earlier participated in our National Women’s Conference organised in Calcutta. The 4th Conference was held in Calicut in 1990. A National Coordination Committee consisting of representatives from different organizations was formed to prepare the conference agenda, from which we were excluded. It was decided to exclude the women’s organizations led by left/ML parties a gain. However, the conference made a different departure from its ‘autonomy’ criteria this time. Under the pretext that “various national, international and government agencies had formed organizations which employed women as well as activists from the movement and these organizations were taking up issues concerning women in different forms,” various governmental organizations, apart from NGOs, were also allowed to participate officially. Self check Exercise-III 3)    Which is the first NGO for women? 4)    The phase “personal is political” associated with? 11.6    Women and Political Parties in India The Indian National Congress (INC), colloquially the Congress Party but often simply the Congress, is a political party in India with widespread roots. Founded in 1885, it was the first modern nationalist movement to emerge in the British Empire in Asia and Africa. From the late 19th century, and especially after 1920, under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, the Congress became the principal leader of the movement. The Congress led India to independence from the Kingdom, and significantly influenced other anti-colonial nationalist movements in the British Empire. Congress is one of the two major political parties in India, along with its main rival the Bharatiya Janata Party. It is a "big tent" party whose platform is generally considered to lie in the centre to centre-left of politics. After Indian independence in 1947, Congress emerged as a catch-all and secular party, dominating Indian politics for the next 20 years. The party's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, led the Congress to support socialist policies by creating the Planning Commission, introducing Five-Year Plans, implementing a mixed economy, and establishing a secular state. After Nehru's death and the short tenure of Lal Bahadur Shastri, Indira Gandhi became the leader of the party. In 1969, the party suffered a major split, with a faction led by Indira Gandhi leaving to form the Congress (R), with the remainder becoming the Congress (O). The Congress (R) became the dominant faction, winning the 1971 general election with a huge margin. However, another split occurred in 1979, leading to the creation of the Congress (I), which was recognized as the Congress by the Electoral Commission in 1981. Under Rajiv Gandhi's leadership, the party won a massive victory in the 1984 general elections, nevertheless losing the election held in 1989 to the National Front. The Congress then returned to power under P. V. Narasimha Rao, who moved the party towards an economically liberal agenda, a sharp break from previous leaders. However, it lost the 1996 general election and was replaced in government by the National Front (then the BJP). After a record eight years out of office, the Congress-led coalition known as the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) under Manmohan Singh formed a government post-winning 2004 general elections. Subsequently, the UPA again formed the government after winning the 2009 general elections, and Singh became the first Prime Minister since Nehru in 1962 to be re-elected after completing a full five-year term. However, in the 2014 general election, the Congress suffered a heavy defeat, winning only 48 seats of the 543-member Lok Sabha (the lower house of the Parliament of India). In the 2019 general election, the party again suffered a heavy defeat, winning only 52 seats in the Lok Sabha. In the 17 general elections since independence, it has won an outright majority on seven occasions and has led the ruling coalition a further three times, heading the central government for more than 54 years. There have been six Prime Ministers from the Congress party, the first being Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru (1947–1964), and the most recent Dr. Manmohan Singh (2004– 2014). On social issues, it advocates secular policies that encourage equal oppurtunities, right to health, right to education, civil liberty, and support mixed economy, and a strong welfare state. Being a centrist party, its policies predominantly reflected balanced positions including secularism, egalitarianism, and social stratification.[16] The INC supports contemporary economic reforms such as liberalisation, privatisation and globalization. A total of 61 people has served as the president of the INC since its formation. Sonia Gandhi is the longest-serving president of the party, having held office for over twenty years from 1998 to 2017 and again from 2019 till 2022. Mallikarjun Kharge is the current serving President of the Indian National Congress. The district party is the smallest functional Lession of Congress. There is also a Pradesh Congress Committee (PCC), present at the state level in every state. Together, the delegates from the districts and PCCs form the All India Congress Committee (AICC). The party is also organized into several committees and sections, such as the Congress Working Committee (CWC). Self check exercise-IV 1. Name of the women who contributed in the Indian constitution? 11.7    Summary Women in India participate in voting, run for public offices and political parties at lower levels more than men. Political activism and voting are the strongest areas of women's political participation. To combat gender inequality in politics, the Indian Government has instituted reservations for seats in local governments. Women turnout during India's parliamentary general elections was 65.63%, compared to 67.09% turnout for men. India ranks 20th from the bottom in terms of representation of women in Parliament. Women have held the posts of president and prime minister in India, as well as chief ministers of various states. Indian voters have elected women to numerous state legislative assemblies and national parliament for many decades. 11.8    Answer to self-Check ExerciseSelf check Exercise-1 1)    Indian women’s Association is the Indian first major feminist organization. 2)    Women’s India Association (WIA), National Council of Women in India (NCWI) and All India women’s conference (AIWC). Self Check Exercise-II 1)    Aruna Asaf Ali, Usha Mehta and Sumati Morarjee. 2)    Bharat StreeMahamandal in Allahabad founded by Sarala Devi Chaudhurani. Self Check Exercise-III 1)    Progressive Organisation of Women, Stree Sangharsh and Samata (Delhi) 2)    Feminist movement Self Check Exercise-IV Ans. 1 Out of 389 members of the Constituent Assembly, only 15 was women. Know more about the women who had a hand in creating the Constitution of India. Ammu Swaminathan, Dakshayani Velayudhan, Begum Aizaz Rasul, Durgabai Deshmukh, Hansa Jivraj Mehta, Kamla Chaudhary, Leela Roy, Malati Choudhury, Purnima Banerjee etc. 11.9    Suggested readings •    Jharta, B. (1996). Women and Politics in India: Impact of family education of Women Politics. Deep and Deep Publication. •    Jayal, N.G. and Mehta, P. B. (2011). Politics in India. Oxford Publications •  Desai, N. and Thakkar, U. (2012). Women in Indian Society. National Book Trust India. •  Sinha, N. (2000). Women in Indian Politics. Gyan Publishing House. 11.9    Terminal Questions 1.    What is the role of women in Indian Politics? 2.    Examine the role of women organisation in providing social injustice to women? 3.    Examine the women participation in Indian Politics. Block-III Unit- 12: Agrarian Development Policy 12.0 Introduction 12.1 Learning Objectives 12.2    Phases of agricultural policy 12.3    Vision of Agriculture policy 2020 12.4    National Mission for Sustainable Agriculture (NMSA): Vision and Objectives 12.5    Summary 12.6    Answer to self-check exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 12.7    Suggested Readings 12.8 . Terminated Questions 12 .0 Introduction The term "agrarian development policy" refers to a body of laws passed by a nation's government in order to achieve certain objectives. In less developed nations like India, agriculture is vital to the process of economic growth. In addition to giving the country food, agriculture generates foreign exchange, frees up labor, saves money, and supports the market for industrial goods. growth in agriculture is essential to overall economic growth. During India's independence, the country's primary source of revenue and employment was agriculture. Roughly half of India's national GDP came from agriculture and related sectors. Agriculture accounted for around 72% of all working-age people. These attest to the fact that, at the time of independence, the Indian economy was a backward one centered mostly on agriculture. Following 61 years of independence, the agricultural sector's contribution to the overall national revenue fell from 50% in 1950 to 18% in 2007–2008. But even now more than 60 percent of workers is involved in agriculture. Despite this, another noteworthy aspect of agriculture is that the success of this industry has a significant impact on the expansion of other economic sectors as well as the economy as a whole. These factors explain why agriculture remains the most important economic sector in India. India's agricultural industry has advanced significantly since independence. Following independence, Indian agriculture increased at a pace of around 2.6% annually, compared to the 1 percent annual growth it had in the 50 years prior. The primary driver of development in agricultural output throughout the 1950s and 1960s was area expansion; but, as time went on, the contribution of more land under cultivation to total agricultural production decreased, and productivity gains took over as the primary driver of growth. The agricultural sector has made significant strides in eliminating its reliance on foreign food grains. In addition to improvements in productivity and output, structural changes have also helped Indian agriculture advance. The Indian government took a number of initiatives that led to all of these advancements in Indian agriculture. Some of these actions include land reforms, the creation of the Agricultural Price Commission with the goal of guaranteeing producers fair prices, new agricultural strategies, investments in extension and research services, the provision of financing facilities, and the enhancement of rural infrastructure. Despite these advancements, the post-World Trade Organization era saw a decline in the agricultural industry, affecting all of its subsectors. All crop growth rates decreased from 2.93 percent to 1.57 percent in yield. From 4.21 percent to 3.40 percent of the total, cattle fell. From 7.48 percent to 3.25 percent, the fisheries saw a drop. Only forestry had a significant gain, rising from 0.09 to 1.82 percent. 1966–1967 saw the introduction of a new agricultural policy aimed at achieving agricultural self-sufficiency. The application of science and technology to increase output per acre is the cornerstone of this strategy. This approach, often referred to as the Green Revolution or New Agricultural Strategy, is predicated on the introduction of high-yielding cultivars that respond well to high fertilizer dosages together with a package of enhanced techniques in certain regions with guaranteed rainfall or access to irrigation systems. The programmers included under the new strategy are: - 1    The high yielding varieties programmer. 2    Multiple cropping programmers. 3    Integrated developments of dry areas. 4    Plant protection measures. 5    Increased uses of fertilizers. 6    New irrigation concepts. Tripathi and Prasad: India has developed its agriculture after gaining independence. Compared to all previous eras, the post-WTO period saw the worst growth in the crop sector, which makes up the majority of the agricultural industry. Furthermore, throughout the early years of reform and the post-WTO era, all crops in the agriculture sector—aside from sugar—showed a downward tendency. Cereals, Corse Cereals, Pulses, Oilseeds, and Drugs & Narcotics all have relatively high rates of deceleration. When it came to pulses, the growth rate went negative. Economists, academics, and politicians are interested in agriculture because of its dominance as well as its pattern of slower development. The absence of a distinct development plan for Indian agriculture is the primary reason for the failure of all agricultural development policies. 12.1    Learning Objectives After this lesson students will be able to understand: •    To under the farmer issues and agricultural policy of Indian States •    To analysis the visions and emerging trends in agrarian programmes in India •    To agrarian policy vision, objectives and challenges 12.2    Phases of agricultural policy We attempt to outline the main government initiatives supporting agricultural growth in this section. Since Independence, several institutional and infrastructure modifications have been made that have affected the general growth of Indian agriculture. In general, the agricultural strategy implemented during this time may be divided into four phases: the first, which covered the years 1947 to the mid-1960s, the second, which covered the years 1960s to 1980, the third, which covered the years 1980 to 1991, and the fourth, which covered the years 1991–1992. Significant institutional changes, agrarian reforms, the creation of large irrigation projects, and the strengthening of cooperative credit institutions were all part of the first agricultural policy phase. The elimination of middlemen and the issuance of land titles to the real cultivators was the most significant contribution of land reforms. Due to the release of productive forces, the proprietor cultivators made every effort to increase output on their properties. During this time, land reforms had a significant role in raising agricultural output. In order to revive Indian agriculture, which had stagnated during the British rule, the Intensive Area Development Program, the Community Development Program, and decentralized planning were also started. The Agricultural Price Commission was established in 1964 to advise the government on the determination of agricultural crop support prices in an effort to incentivize farmers to use more advanced technologies. Even with the government's introduction of development programs and institutional reforms during this time, India continued to rely on imports of food to sustain its expanding population. With the implementation of a new agricultural policy in the middle of the 1960s, Indian agriculture entered a new era. High-yielding crop varieties, multiple cropping, the package approach, contemporary farming methods, and the expansion of irrigation systems are all key components of the new agricultural strategy. The strategy's greatest success to date has been achieving foodgrain self-sufficiency. During this time, policymakers prioritized research, extension, input supply, lending, marketing, price support, and technology dissemination over agrarian reforms. Early in the 1980s, India's agriculture entered its third phase. During this time, the process of diversification began, leading to a rapid increase in the output of non-food grains such as milk, fisheries, poultry, vegetables, fruits, etc., which accelerated the expansion of the agricultural GDP in the 1980s. Subsidies and assistance for the agricultural sector have increased significantly throughout this time, but real public sector spending on infrastructure development in agriculture has begun to drop. Meanwhile, farmer investment has continued to rise. The start of the economic reform process in 1991 marked the beginning of the fourth phase of agriculture policy. The process of economic reforms included liberalization, deregulation, and less government involvement in the economy. Despite the lack of direct changes, the depreciation of exchange rates, the opening of external commerce, and the deportation of people to industry have all had an indirect impact on the farm sector. Another development that had an impact on agriculture at this time was the opening of the home market as a result of new international trade agreements and the WTO. This presented new difficulties for decision-makers. As a result, the Indian government introduced a New Agricultural Policy in July 2000. The objective is to achieve an annual growth rate in production of 4% in the agriculture sector via the effective utilization of resources. It aims to accomplish this goal in an equitable and sustainable way. The government has never before issued a national agriculture policy before. The policy statement outlines what has to be done in agriculture, but it says nothing about how or when the aims and objectives of the program will be accomplished. In order to implement the new policy agenda within a time-bound framework, it is therefore extremely desirable to establish action plans at both the state and federal levels in terms of quantity. Since Independence, the Agrarian Economy has changed we discussed how the agricultural economy has evolved since Independence in this part. This section addresses land use pattern, population and agricultural workers, operational holding distribution, and cropping pattern while keeping this viewpoint in mind. Pattern of Land Use Land is the fundamental component of agriculture. Understanding the pattern of land use is essential to determining whether or not India's land usage is utilizing its potential. In India, agricultural statistics have long been the foundation for land categorization. India's land was roughly divided into five groups up to 1950: 1.    Area under forests. 2.    Area not available for cultivation. 3.    Uncultivated lands including current fallows. 4.    Area under current fallows. 5.    Net area sown. However, it was later discovered that this kind of classification did not provide a good image of the actual area falling under the various land use categories needed for agricultural planning. Thus, starting in March 1950, a reclassification was implemented. India's land is currently divided into nine groups under it. They are as follows: 1.    Forest. 2.    Barren and uncultivable lands; 3.    Land put to non-agricultural use 4.    Cultivable wastes 5.    Permanent pastures and other grazing lands. 6.    Miscellaneous tree crops and groves not included in the net area sown. 7.    Current fallows. 8.    Other fallows. 9.    Net sown area. Moreover, modifications to India's land use pattern from 1950–1951. The country's total land area is 328726 thousand hectares, of which 93% is designated as reporting area, or the area for which data are obtainable. In 50/51, it was 88 percent. In 2000–01, the net sown area increased by 18.44% compared to 1950–51. Compared to 41 percent of the whole reporting area in 1950–1951, the net sown area is only 46 percent of the total reporting area. Since 1950–1951, the area used for nonagricultural purposes has grown from 12690 thousand hectares to 24070 thousand hectares. However, from 37484 thousand hectares to 17709 thousand hectares, there is now less uncultivated and barren land. Fallow and cultivable waste land have also declined during this time. However, as of right now, 4.8 percent of the entire reporting area is fallow land, and 4.4 percent of the total reporting area is accessible as cultivable waste land. This suggests that by enhancing both cultivable waste land and fallow, it is possible to raise the net planted area by at least 5 to 10 percent. The gross sown area grew from 131893 thousand hectares in 1950–1951 to 185704 thousand hectares in 2001–2002. This demonstrates that in 1950–50, only 11% of the net seeded area was used for more than one crop; by 2001–2002, that percentage had risen to 31%. This illustrates how intensive cropping may raise gross sown area by 70% of net sown area. Self Check Exercise-I What is Zamindari System? 12. 3 Vision of Agriculture policy 2020 Over the past three decades, India has achieved remarkable progress in the field of agriculture. The many millions of small farming families that are the backbone of India's agriculture and economy deserve a great deal of the credit for this accomplishment. The availability and production of food have increased dramatically because to public infrastructure investment, production techniques, policy assistance, and research and extension for agriculture, livestock, and fisheries. India's food grain output increased during the previous thirty years, from 102 million tons at the end of the 1973 triennium to approximately 200 million tons (mt) by the end of the 1999 triennium. Almost all of the output increase was due to higher yields rather than more farmed land. Food grains became more readily available per person, rising from 452 grams per capita per day to over 476 grams per capita per day, despite the nation's population nearly doubling from 548 million to over 1000 million. The poverty rate has significantly decreased, from 55% in 1973 to 26% in 1998, thanks to increased agricultural output and recent, fast industrial expansion. Even with its remarkable progress and expansion, India continues to house the world's greatest proportion of impoverished individuals. India makes up around one-fifth of the world's impoverished, with 250 million people living below the poverty line. Among this nation, the greatest toll is taken by malnutrition among children. Roughly 25% of kids are seriously malnourished. Pregnant women and preschoolers account for almost half of the anemia cases. Those who are undernourished also experience extreme hunger. India has a large population that puts a lot of strain on the land and other resources it requires for growth and nourishment. The foundation of land, water, and biodiversity as natural resources is being threatened. In addition to the enormous increases required in the supply of cattle, fish, and horticulture goods, the enormous population expansion (despite the lowering rate of development) and large income growth necessitate an additional 2.5 million tons of food grains every year. In 2020, the demand for food grains (including feed, seed, waste, and export) is expected to reach 256 million metric tons, consisting of 112 million tons of rice, 82 million tons of wheat, 39 million tons of coarse grains, and 22 million tons of pulses, based on a low-income growth scenario assuming 3.5% rise in per capita GDP. It is projected that the levels of demand for milk, fruits, vegetables, sugar, and 136 and 116 metric tons, respectively, will rise. Eighty-seven million eggs, eleven million fish, and nine million meat are expected to be consumed. Future improvements in the production of cereals and non-cereal agricultural commodities will mostly come from productivity gains because there is little chance of land and livestock population growth. In 2020, the nation will need to produce 2.7 tons of rice, 3.1 tons of wheat, 2.1 tons of maize, 1.3 tons of coarse cereals, 2.4 tons of cereal, 1.3 tons of pulses, 22.3 tons of potatoes, 25.7 tons of vegetables, and 24.1 tons of fruits per hectare. By 2020, compared to the base year TE 1999, the production of livestock and poultry products has to increase by 61% for milk, 76% for meat, 91% for fish, and 169% for eggs. In India, the majority of crops still have relatively poor average yields. Emerging Trends The agriculture industry saw development that was satisfying because to advancements in technology, irrigation, inputs, and pricing strategies. Future demand will be higher for products from livestock, poultry, fisheries, and horticulture, all of which have had rapid output development in recent years. Agriculture's proportion of the national economy is falling as a result of the industrial and service sectors growing more quickly than the agricultural sector. Even with the structural changes, agriculture continues to be an important industry, supporting over 70% of the nation's rural residents with jobs and means of subsistence. Small farmers have been making a growing contribution to family and national food security. The supply of water for agricultural purposes has reached a critical point and needs immediate action from all parties involved. India has a large population that puts a lot of strain on the land and other resources it requires for growth and nourishment. The foundation of land, water, and biodiversity as natural resources is being threatened. Given the lack of favorable conditions for previous expansion, the sharp decline in factor productivity in key agricultural systems, and the rapidly depleting resource base, the problems associated with meeting future food demand are significant. There are still a ton of unique and vast options to use agricultural potential, which may be used to meet future goals. Since most commodities have low national average yields, there are significant gaps in yield potential and technology transfer that, with the right attention, may be fully used. The focus was on increasing the output of a select few goods, such as wheat and rice, which might swiftly lead to a rise in overall food and agricultural production. This led to a significant loss of natural resources and the neglect of the rainfed dry areas with the highest concentration of resource-poor farmers, exacerbating issues with inequality and regional imbalances. This resulted in a significant proportion of undernourished individuals in these low-productivity, rain-filled areas. Agrobiodiversity, including native land races and breeds, was also rapidly disappearing during this time, as were soil nutrients. The agricultural policy should expedite the overall economic viability and all-around growth of agriculture. Farmers must receive the required assistance, motivation, and rewards. It must prioritize revenue as well as more options for jobs and livelihoods, both on and off the farm. Main Issues The following recurrent and new concerns for poverty reduction and sustainable agricultural development must be taken into account when determining national priorities: 1. Pressure from the population and the changing demographics; 2.    Degradation of the resource base and lack of water; 3.    Agriculture investments, structural adjustment, and the impoverished; 4.    Globalization and its effects on the impoverished; 5.    Modern science and technology, and the encouragement of research and technological development; and 6.    Rapid urbanization, the urbanization of poverty, and the slowdown in the reduction of rural poverty. •    A policy statement on agriculture should include the following unusual opportunities in addition to the aforementioned challenges. Preservation of the environment and conservation of natural resources. •  The enormous unrealized potential of our farming practices, land, and water resources. •  The change in technology, particularly in the fields of molecular biology, biotechnology, space technology, ecology, and management; •    The revolution in communication and informatics; and the opportunities that arise from connecting scientists, extension agents, and farmers with national and worldwide databases. Vision •    A policy framework must be created around a few fundamental agricultural sector factors, which must be clearly articulated in the Agriculture Policy document. Agriculture Organization: A well-defined, long-term plan with specific cross-sectoral connections. •    Natural resource management and sustainability: Political economy must be the field of prescription. If not, funding initiatives like agroforestry, soil protection, watershed development, and others won't provide the expected outcomes. •    Institutional change: New methods and institutions must be outlined in the policy statement, freed from the constraints of the self-help and bureaucratic frameworks. •    Investment priorities: An agreement on investment themes, priorities, and strategies must be reached. The argument for increased funding for rural regions must be strengthened by the policy paper, which should also reevaluate existing programs in light of synergies. •    Incentives: A clear vision for the incentive structure must be expressed in the document. •    Managing risks. Self-Check Exercise-II 1.    What is vision of agriculture policy 2020? 2.    Golden revolution is related to which? 12.4 Vision and Objectives of National Mission for Sustainable Agriculture (NMSA) The National Mission for Sustainable Agriculture aims to fully utilize agriculture in order to ensure food security, equitable access to food resources, improved livelihood opportunities, and national economic stability. It also aims to transform agriculture into an ecologically sustainable and climate resilient production system. The Mission would concentrate on the following areas in order to maintain the expansion of agriculture: To create strategic plans at the Agro Climatic Zone level in order to contextualize action plans in the areas of infrastructure, capacity building, technology and practices, and research and development at regional dimensions. To increase agricultural production by tailored interventions, such as the use of biotechnology, the creation of better livestock and crop varieties, the promotion of effective irrigation systems, the display of suitable technologies, the construction of capacity, and the development of skills. By extending Automatic Weather Station (AWS) networks to the Panchayat level and connecting them to current insurance mechanisms like the Weather Based Crop Insurance Scheme (WBCIS) and National Agriculture Insurance Scheme (NAIS), scaling the returns at that level will make it easier for people to access information and institutional support. to develop Model Farm United and Model Villages in rained-and dry-land regions in order to further "laboratory to land" research. To plan long-term strategies for reducing emissions from energy- and non-energy-related applications by introducing appropriate crop types, farming methods, managing animals, and waste handling. To achieve the vast potential for growth in dryland agriculture by creating crop varieties resistant to pests and drought, using resource-saving technologies, offering farmers institutional assistance, and enhancing stakeholder capacity. A Programme of Action (PoA) for adaptation and mitigation measures that covers research and development, technology and best practices, infrastructure and capacity building, would be formulated by the Mission in order to further develop relevant solutions. The integration of conventional wisdom, agricultural legacy, and contemporary technology and research will help this. At all levels of government, the Mission would aim to achieve "convergence and coordination" among the principal ministries and departments. This would also create connections with the other National Missions because agriculture's response to climate change is a cross-sectoral issue that calls for the collaboration of several government agencies and the integration of their initiatives. Agricultural Challenges Since the 1960s, when India experienced a severe food scarcity and widespread poverty and was dependent on food imports to save millions of people from starving to death, the country's food situation has drastically changed. The then-prime minister called on the populace to conduct a one-day fast once a week due to the dire circumstances. Around the same time that the High Yielding Varieties (HYV) of wheat and paddy became available, the then-government bravely decided to implement Green Revolution technologies in spite of considerable criticism from some sectors. The main goal of the agriculture plan was to "grow more food." Well-endowed irrigated sections of the nation were the first to adopt the Green Revolution technology, which involved high yielding dwarf types of wheat and rice that were particularly sensitive to inorganic fertilizer. Consequently, the technology of the Green Revolution extended to other regions with the growth of irrigation. Numerous other crops also saw the development of improved and HYV. Because the new cultivars required more water, improved tillage, high-quality seeds, chemical fertilizer to satisfy nutrient needs, and chemical control of pests, insects, diseases, and late weeds were all necessary for their success. Rainy places were not as conducive to the benefits and suitability of Green Revolution technologies. Both the federal government and several states provided favorable policy support and an atmosphere that promoted and enabled these developments. The proliferation of the new technology package resulted in monocropping, changes to crop patterns and sequences, increased groundwater extraction over recharge, increased nutrient loss from the soil, and enterprise specialization. Due to the severe strain this placed on the foundation of natural resources (land, water, ecology, and environment), it became evident that short-term gains were being made at the expense of long-term interests, and that current generation profits were being sacrificed for the sake of future generations. It is now obvious that significant adjustments and a paradigm shift are required for the present system and behaviors. It is essential to talk about the scope and seriousness of the many kinds of problems that Indian agriculture is confronting before moving on to those improvements. Over exploitation of Water Resources In order to increase agricultural production, crop intensity, and output quality while reducing risks in agriculture, it is imperative to ensure irrigation and water availability. Technology, fertilizer, and irrigation expansion have all been important factors in agriculture's progress. Significant governmental and private investments have been made throughout time to increase the area that is irrigated. Several states began providing power for irrigation without any costs after realizing the importance of water in increasing yields Agricultural Challenges and Policies for the 21st Century. This caused significant distortions in crop selection and the careless, indiscriminate, and excessive use of water. Farmers began cultivating water-intensive crops in low-rainfall locations, adopted water-based techniques, and engaged in off-season farming since the marginal cost of utilizing water was almost nil. The rise of sugarcane in Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh, the monoculture of paddy in formerly groundnut and cotton-growing regions of Punjab, Haryana, and Rajasthan, the cultivation of groundnuts during the height of summer in Rajasthan, and several other examples demonstrate this. As a result, a new crop geography emerged that was completely at odds with the country's several agro-climatic zones. There are mentions of broad adjustments to the region and irrigation supplies. Despite the fact that half of the agricultural land is rain fed and does not have access to irrigation, the industry utilizes about 90% of the nation's water resources. Furthermore, in 36 percent of the blocks, there is a slight to very significant fall in the groundwater, primarily as a result of water extraction surpassing recharge. Even in the central Indo-Geographic area, which is water-rich, this is happening. In certain regions of the nation, farmers are pursuing groundwater that is more than 1,000 feet below the surface. This is water mining, and it has detrimental effects on future water availability, aquifer health, and water quality. Disregard for Nature and Loss of Crop Diversity The literature on Agro Climatic Regional Planning (ACRP), formerly known as the Planning Commission, for 15 major agro zones and, at a disaggregate level, for 127 zones nationwide by the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR), contains the guiding principles and recommendations for crops suitable for various regions. The recommended crops and crop pattern are thought to be sustainable since they take into account the endowment of natural resources and the agro-climatic conditions that exist in different regions of the nation. The area allotted to different crops and the actual crop pattern differ greatly from what is appropriate from an agro-climatic perspective. The primary causes of the variation are differences in the rate of technological improvement for different crops and policy assistance. In addition to causing distortions in agricultural patterns, technological and policy bias in favor of Green Revolution technologies and a few crops also led to a rapid reduction in crop variety and an increase in the concentration of land under certain crops. This is demonstrated by the fact that in the early 1970s, 10.8% of Punjab's and 8% of Haryana's net planted area were used for paddy production. In Punjab, this percentage has grown to 73.3%, whereas in Haryana, it is 39.5%. Similarly, once the Green Revolution began, the area used for sugarcane farming doubled in Uttar Pradesh and tripled in Maharashtra. Such alterations in agricultural patterns have detrimental effects on the complementarity of crops, the spread of diseases and pests, and the sustainable use of natural resources. These effects also extend to human diet and health, as well as the quality of the environment. Low Efficiency and Price Led Growth India's agricultural industry has grown at a slower rate than it should have, while being excellent across most crops and states. We are not as productive as large agricultural nations. Modernization in the industry is happening slowly. Large-scale innovations in technology, agricultural methods, and postharvest value addition are clearly lacking. The widespread use of inputs in agriculture, such as fertilizer broadcasting and flood irrigation, is not yielding appreciable results. The average cost of production has increased along with productivity gains in the majority of crops, meaning that higher output prices are required to maintain the profitability of further production. The agricultural industry is becoming more and more reliant on government assistance. As a result, the industry is becoming less competitive. The literature has a wealth of information about how incentives such as output price support and subsidies, as well as non-price elements including irrigation, new seed, fertilizer, technology, and institutional reforms, may enhance the growth of the agriculture sector. Growth potential is created by non-price variables, but farmers are incentivized to utilize this potential by remunerative pricing. For the agriculture industry to thrive and flourish, both sets of actions are therefore essential. Farmers have shifted their attention over time from creating a balanced demand to incorporate non-price aspects in policy support to focusing more on price support. There were several reasons behind this. By implementing MSP and obtaining rice and wheat at specific state prices, farmers were able to get remarkably stable prices with no price risk and were guaranteed a larger income than if they sold their produce at market rates. Other farmers who were unable to sell their products at MSP became interested in this because they wanted to receive a similar treatment to them and their crops. Additionally, despite supply gluts and changes in open market or international pricing, MSP has grown yearly and become increasingly lucrative over time. Farmers have united behind the National Commission on Farmers' 2006 report, which was led by renowned agriculture scientist Dr. M. S. Swaminathan. The commission recommended a 50% margin over expenses while determining MSP. Numerous economists were taken aback by this decision since the committee provided no explanation or logic for its broad ramifications. Due to the recommendation's high rate of return relative to cost, farmers across the nation adopted it with great popularity. In an effort to placate and win over farmers, political parties supporting Ramesh Chand also began to promise MSP based on the findings of the Swaminathan Commission report. The Swaminathan Committee's suggestion that the MSP be fixed at least 50% above the cost of production in 2018 was accepted by the central government, which increased the MSPs' appeal and drove them well above open market prices. Even while greater input usage has enhanced crop yield, farmers are now more dependent on support prices due to the rise in average cultivation costs brought on by increased input use. The terms of trade (TOT) for agriculture show changes in the cost of agriculture in relation to the non-agricultural sector. The ratio of the implicit price deflator for the agricultural sector to the implicit price deflator for the non-agricultural sector is known as the TOT. In general, it is anticipated that TOT would move cyclically, with a rising phase followed by a declining phase and vice versa. However, TOT for agriculture has been trending upward since 2005–2006. This suggests that from 2005–2006, price patterns have been more favorable to farmers' production. Imbalances and Regional Disparities Over time, there has been an increase in the disparity between local supply and demand. India's state exchequer has incurred significant costs due to the country's vast excess of rice, wheat, and sugar. The fundamental cause of this is the center's increase in production prices, the payment of bonuses for rice, and the fact that certain states have raised the fair and remunerative price (FRP) for sugarcane while disregarding the CACP's recommendations and the laws of supply and demand. In instances where the price of sugarcane exceeded the comparable price of sugar on the domestic market, sugar mills began to pay less than the state-announced price for sugarcane. Growers of sugarcane have accumulated arrears as a result of the situation. As a result, for many years, farmers' requests and protests against the union government for paying sugarcane arrears have been commonplace. However, India's shortfall of edible oil keeps growing every year. Vegetable oils are imported by the nation to satisfy 55% of its domestic needs. Thus, there is room for a 127% rise in domestic oilseed output on the home market. Abandoning excess rice and sugar on the global market requires substantial financial backing, as global prices are often much less than the produce's home price or cost of production. Productivity variance is another aspect of imbalances. There are significant differences in agricultural yield between states even at comparable levels of irrigation, even while certain variances are unavoidable due to the endowment of natural resources and availability to irrigation. Table 3 shows that the value of crops grown from a hectare of land in various states ranges from Rs. 2.83 lakh in West Bengal to Rs. 70,977 in Rajasthan. With the exception of Rajasthan, which experiences extremely little rainfall and an arid environment, the major states' per acre production ranges from 1:3.1. Bihar's agricultural production of Rs. 1.38 lakh per hectare was attained with more than 72% of its land under irrigation, which is less than the average of many other states where the area under irrigation is less than 50%. Wasteful Investment The majority of public funding for agriculture goes into large, medium, and micro irrigation. The goal of these expenditures was to expand the area that was irrigated with surface water. After 2007–2008, the nation spent about Rs. 30,000 crore annually on major projects and a significant sum on the upkeep and operation of canals; nonetheless, the area irrigated by canals is either declining or stagnating. This can be attributed to a number of factors, including significant project completion delays that result in significant time and expense overruns. Even after investing the majority of the costs, a number of significant irrigation projects are impeded by small-scale forest clearing, catchment area development, distributary and field channel building, and other similar minor issues. Conflicts between states and across the interstates also contribute to the delays in finishing certain significant irrigation projects. Ironically, despite significant investments in medium and major irrigation, the area under canal irrigation saw stasis and even decrease for an extended duration. Between 1993 and 2014, the nation invested around Rs. 17,663 corer year, at current rates, in big and medium-sized irrigation projects. To make sure that the nation's resources invested in canal irrigation get the anticipated return, this unsettling trend calls for a deeper look and immediate action. Poor irrigation potential utilization and the formation of a significant gap between irrigation potential created (IPC) and irrigation potential used (IPU) have been the primary causes of the lack of progress in the region under canal irrigation. This is true even though during the Eleventh Five-Year Plan era, big and medium irrigation projects cost Rs. 1,74,473 crores. Even if IPU didn't improve, this should have led to a rise in the area irrigated by canals, something the irrigation data don't show. The area under canal irrigation has not improved, and as a result, its percentage of the net irrigated area has decreased from 37.5% in 1984–1985 to 23% in 2018–19. As a result, there is significant pressure being placed on the usage of groundwater, which is causing overexploitation of it and various negative effects. Technology Generation and Dissemination Research is becoming more money expensive and agricultural challenges are getting more complicated. Concerns about sustainability, agriculture's contribution to greenhouse gas emissions, and climate change increase the problems that the research and development (R&D) sector must solve. The developed world's research spillover scope is narrowing, and technology transfer from the outside world and the commercial sector is becoming more difficult and expensive due to intellectual property rights (IPR) difficulties. India must thus be independent in its agricultural research. In any field, strategic and basic research establishes the groundwork for innovations. Sadly, the National Agricultural Research System (NARS) no longer has as strong of a component. Over time, NARS has focused more on practical research and research on problem-solving techniques. Global competition in agriculture is rising as a result of several new advances in the field. However, due mostly to subpar extension services, the rate of adoption of both frontier and upgraded technology is low. The ICAR must address any problems and difficulties pertaining to the agriculture sector, even though State Agriculture Universities (SAUs) bear the majority of the duty for agricultural research and higher education. The general public blames ICAR for any unfavorable development in the agriculture industry. As a result, over time, ICAR's portfolio has grown significantly. With the burden of expanding frontline extension and running Krishi Vigyan Kendras (KVKs) across the nation, the ICAR's workload has increased significantly. The efficacy of ICAR in carrying out the more significant role in agricultural R&D and education that it has been taking on over the years is a subject of much debate. Viability of Smallholders Small land holdings are the main source of agriculture in India and most other Asian nations. The Agricultural Census for the 2015–16 year shows that 68% of agricultural holdings are located on less than one hectare of land. Moreover, fewer than 2 hectares are farmed by 85% of farm households. This amount of land is insufficiently profitable for the typical agricultural methods and output. There are therefore two ways to increase the revenue of these farm properties. One way to help these farmers maximize the labor force inside their families is to allow them to focus on high-value crops and animal operations. Additionally, add to your revenue from nonagricultural sources such as earnings and salaries, business ventures, and trades to augment your income from agriculture. Scale economies are another issue that small holders deal with in input and output markets, necessitating various forms of institutional support. Nutrition, Food Safety and Health India has poor child health and nutrition metrics. The majority of the world's hungry or undernourished people reside in India, according to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the Lessioned Nations. Agricultural Challenges and Policies for the 21st Century. India consistently ranks low on the global hunger indices, despite becoming the largest rice exporter with 15% of its production going to foreign markets, according to the Global Hunger Index, an annual publication of two non-governmental organizations (NGOs), Concern Worldwide and Welth ungerhilfe. During 1970–71, the nation's food production has grown at a trend rate of about 3%, compared to 1.86% population growth during the same time. Furthermore, while the rate of population increase has slowed recently, the rate of food production growth has stayed constant. It is evident that food output per person has increased exponentially. For some years now, India has also had an abundance of wheat and rice. Additionally, there has been a massive excess of sugar lately. Some commentators claim that India exemplifies the contradictory state of "hunger in the midst of plenty." Furthermore, while the rate of population increase has slowed recently, the rate of food production growth has stayed constant. It is evident that food output per person has increased exponentially. For some years now, India has also had an abundance of wheat and rice. Additionally, there has been a massive excess of sugar lately. Some commentators claim that India exemplifies the contradictory state of "hunger in the midst of plenty." India's per capita supply of meat products and eggs was comparable to China in the early 1980s. China's supply of these goods increased fivefold during the following three decades compared to India's. In addition to consuming more eggs and meat products, Chinese people consume three times as much vegetables and 80% more fruits than Indian people do. The data on food supply indicates that while there has been a significant movement in India toward the use of livestock and horticulture goods, the growth has been less pronounced than in China, where improvements have been made in child and maternal health as well as nutrition. Mismatch between Structural Changes in Output and Workforce Agriculture's percentage of the country's gross value added (GVA), which is a gauge of GDP, and employment would decrease as the economy grew. Faster changes in the economy's structure occur when the economy grows more rapidly. In India, the proportion of agriculture to national GDP fell from 61.7% in 1950–1951 to 49.6% in 2011–2012, although the sector's employment share stayed steady at over 69%. Over the next twenty years, the sector's income fell to 35.1% and its employment share fell to 59%. Following 1990–1991, the economy grew at a quicker rate, which also caused the percentage of agriculture to fall more quickly. Nevertheless, the reduction in the labor force's percentage of agriculture lagged behind the drop in the industry's part of the country's income. 2010–11 saw a proportion of 18.3% and 54.6%, respectively, of national income and employment coming from agriculture. According to the most recent estimates from the Periodic Labour Force Survey for 2019–20, 45.6% of the labor force in the nation is employed as a principal in the agriculture sector, which includes jobs in forestry and fisheries (National Statistical Office 2021a). At current prices, agriculture's contribution of GVA in the same year was 18.4%. Thus, in order to increase the sector's per worker revenue, workers must be removed from agriculture. Nevertheless, it is becoming more and more difficult to find suitable substitute employment, particularly in industry, to move people away from agriculture. This need a fresh approach to work. Low Income of Farmers A disproportionate amount of the country's employment and revenue comes from agriculture, which suggests that the non-agricultural and agricultural sectors pay differently per worker. Macroeconomically speaking, the average salary of a worker in the non-agricultural sector, which includes laborers and cultivators, is 3.75 times that of a worker in the agricultural sector. The prime minister has made repeated calls lately to concentrate on increasing the income of farmers. Nonetheless, the primary reasons for the low per farmer income in the nation are the tiny and declining land area, an oversupplied labor force, low productivity, and poorly functioning markets. In addition to increasing farming revenue, agricultural households urgently need to expand their options for earning money from sources outside of agriculture. Self check Exercies-3 1.    What is the objective of The National Mission for Sustainable Agriculture (NMSA) 2. 3. When was National Mission for Sustainable Agriculture launched? 3. 4. What is the key dimensions of NMSA?. 4.    What are the major technologies used in agriculture? 12.5    Summary This chapter evaluates performance and progress of Indian Agriculture since Independence. It has been presented into the different phases to describe the agrarian development of India that what kind of ups and downs it has faced during the period. In addition to, delineates about the vision of agricultural policy and challenges experienced by agrarian trajectories in India. 12.6 Answer to self-check ExerciseSelf Check Exercise-I Ans. 1. In 1793, Lord Cornwallis proposed the Permanent Settlement. This system produced a class of landowners known as zamindars, whose duty it was to rent their lands to the government for a certain amount of money. Farmers were given land tracts by them, and they eventually became tenants. The State's main goal was to maximize money with the least amount of work. Regardless of the actual capacity of the land, the Zamindar also desired the highest rent possible from his tenants. Since the State had fixed his due, he could maximize his own fortune by taking the most out of his farming tenants. The burden was further increased by the creation of many tiers of middlemen between the Zamindar and the tenants. Farmers and laborers without land endured extreme poverty. Additionally, this resulted in the emergence of a class of wealthy Indians whose allegiance was primarily to the British. As you can see, the Zamindari system of tenancy originated in Bengal as a result of the Permanent Settlement and quickly spread to other areas. Self check Exercise-1I Ans.1) The new agricultural policy 2020 has been mainly introduced with the expectation to bring silver lining in the Indian economy. The three new agricultural bills are expected to bring a revolutionary change in the country and will also help to raise the income of the farmers making them self-reliant. Ans. 2). Horticulture and Honey Self check Exercise-III 1)    The National Mission for Sustainable Agriculture (NMSA), which is one of the eight Missions under the National Action Plan on Climate Change (NAPCC) seeks to address issues regarding ‘Sustainable Agriculture’ in the context of risks associated with climate change by devising appropriate adaptation and mitigation strategies for ensuring food security, equitable access to food resources, enhancing livelihood opportunity Lessionies and contributing to economic stability at the national level. 2)    NMSA was launched in the year 2014-15 to make agriculture more productive 3)    Key dimensions of NMSA is Water use efficiency, Nutrient Management and Livelihood diversification 4)    Agriculture technology is also known as Agritech, in which modern technology like Satellite imagery, sensors, agriculture machines and software solution is used. 12.7    Suggested Readings •    Tripathi, A. & Prasad, A. R. (2009). Agricultural Development in India since Independence: A Study on Progress, Performance, and Determinants. Journal of Emergency Knowledge on Emerging Markets, Vol. 1. •    Chand, R. (2022). Agricultural Challenges and Policies for the 21st Century. NABARD-Development of Economic Analysis and Research. Bandra, Mumbai. •    Arora, V.P.S. (2013). Agricultural Policies in India: Retrospect and Prospect. Agricultural Economics Research Review. Vol. 26, No. 2, pp. 135-157. •    Chand, R. (2019). Transforming Agriculture for Challenges of 21st Century. 102 Annual Conference Indian Economic Association. •    Department of Agriculture and Cooperation Ministry of Agriculture. (2010). National Mission for Sustainable Agriculture: Strategies for Meeting the Challenges of Climate Change. 12.8 Terminal Questions 1.    Discus agrarian development in India since 1990s. 2.    Explain major issues faced by the farmers in India. 3.    Analyses role vision objectives, and major challenges of national mission for sustainable agriculture. Unit—13: New Economic Policy: Social and Economic Implications 13.0 Introduction 13.1    Learning Objectives 13.2    Economic Policy Need in India Self check Exercise-I 13.3    Goal of Economic Policy Self check Exercise-II 13.4    Summary 13.5    Answers to Self-check Exercises Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 13.6    Suggested Reading 13.7    Terminated questions 13.0 Introduction: There have been many theories given regarding the origin of state. In these theories social contract theory, force theory, divine theory, patriarchal and matriarchal theories and evolution theory of state origins are the main. John Locke the father of liberalism in his book two treaties on government has explained that right to property was one of the main rights among three natural rights and state has to secure all natural rights. All negative liberalist considered state as a protector of the economic rights of the subjects. Karl Marx the father of communism has also related that state is an organisation that control the ‘haves not’ and do the work for ‘haves” i,e. capitalist class due to expansion of communism liberalist developed a nation of welfare state and advocated that state should make policies and control the economic activities of the society. Basically the present scenario the whole social economic and political all type of the activities are controlled and managed by state and for this purpose government make policies state has the control over economy and economic policies. Economic Policy An economic policy is a course of action that is intended to influence or control the behaviour of the economy. Economic policies are typically implemented and administered by the government. Examples of economic policies include decisions made about government spending and taxation, about the redistribution of income from rich to poor, and about the supply of money. The effectiveness of economic policies can be assessed in one of two ways, known as positive and normative economics. Positive and normative economics. Positive economics attempts to describe how the economy and economic policies work without resorting to value judgments about which results are best. The distinguishing feature of positive economic hypotheses is that they can be tested and either confirmed or rejected. For example, the hypothesis that “an increase in the supply of money leads to an increase in prices” belongs to the realm of positive economics because it can be tested by examining the data on the supply of money and the level of prices. Value judgments are used in normative economics to evaluate how well the economy and economic policies are working. As a result, normative economic theories cannot be verified. For instance, the claim that "the inflation rate is too high" is within the purview of normative economics as it is based on a value judgment and hence not subject to verification, testing, or debunking. It should come as no surprise that normative economic assumptions are the subject of most disputes among economists. 13.1    Learning Objectives After this lesson student will be able to learn: •    To make learners capable to understand what is economic policy •    The study will help learners to understand the objective of economic policy •    To analyses various instrument of the economic policy centre and state level in India 13.2    Economic Policy Need in India Why do we need government-outlined economic policies? It may seem simple, yet this is a crucial query. The solution to this question is outside the purview of this unit and takes us into the most fascinating and never-ending ideological argument in economics. Nonetheless, a little talk on this subject can assist you in gaining insight into the Government of India's aims and economic policies. Because the market system has made such a significant contribution to our economic prosperity, it is an institutional structure that has endured and changed over the last several centuries. It's not flawless, though, and there are times when controlling it or avoiding it entirely would improve our financial well-being. The primary driver driving the "making of" an economic policy is market failure. According to economic literature, a Pareto optimum solution is produced by competitive markets, and an economy is often considered efficient when it reaches this point. Certain presumptions underlie the Pareto optimum solution. The market system does not provide an efficient result if any one of these presumptions is false. We refer to these inefficient results as "market failures." Some of the well-established causes of "market failures" include decisions made over time, inadequate public goods supply, the existence of externalities, common property resources, imperfect competition, asymmetric knowledge, etc. These require some type of "economic policies and programs" from the government. Furthermore, a distribution may not be "equitable one" even in cases when resources are allocated effectively under a Pareto optimum solution. The state may guide resource allocation in a more effective way that serves the greater good of the people by taking part in productive activities. It is also known as social consumption of public goods. It is capable of directly owning and managing a range of public utility services. These industries are better left to the state since competition wastes resources in them. Public commodities intended for shared consumption can be produced and distributed by the state itself. The creation of public goods is essential for both its own sake and for creating new opportunities that will enable the achievement of full employment. The state may produce certain kinds of services, which are helpful but do not appeal to private industry because they are too hazardous or have too low of a rate of return on invested money. Some items are too important strategically to be left in the hands of the government. In addition, the state may serve as a counterbalance to private monopolies. The state has the authority to: (i) prohibit the use of harmful items; and (ii) shield customers from dishonest business practices. Self-check Exercise-1 1 ) What do you mean by the term ‘Economic Policy’? 2    ) Why do we need state intervention in the economic affairs of a country? 13.3    Goal of Economic Policy In a growing nation such as India, expediting the process of economic growth is the main objective of economic policy, since it guarantees rapid economic progress. It is important to note that the traditional definition of economic growth and the idea of economic development are not the same. The following is a list of economic development objectives: 1)    Rapid Economic Growth: Ensuring rapid economic growth is the main objective of economic policy in developing economies. Increased output of goods and services, or growth, contributes to the development of the backbone and forward links necessary to guarantee trickle-down and other spread effects. 2)    Full Employment: The aim of full employment, or putting all of the resources in the economy to productive use, is tied to the growth purpose. Full employment has huge economic benefits. Individual security that comes from full employment advances human dignity, lessens nonfunctional discrimination, and advances development overall. 3)    Better Distribution of Income: When left to its own devices, the market system encourages disparities in the distribution of wealth and income. Misuse and misallocation of resources are caused by inequality. They result in a grave violation of social welfare. One possible way to create a somewhat fairer distribution of wealth and income is through the formulation of economic policy. 4)    Human Development and Decent Work: Economic growth is seen to have as one of its main goals the advancement of human development as a measure of improved living standards. The measurement of such attributes takes into account a number of variables, including life expectancy, the rate of education and illiteracy, dietary status, energy consumption per person, etc. Another objective of economic growth that has evolved in response to the rising concern about human development is decent work. Work and employment itself, rights at work, security, and representation and discourse are the four components of decent work. 5)    Stability of Prices and Rates of Foreign Exchange: Monetary volatility has a negative impact on welfare and the growth process. Variations in the foreign exchange rate impact global commerce and add a degree of unpredictability to the nation's economic landscape. One effective tool for ensuring stability is economic policy. 6)    Preservation of Fair Competition: In order to maximize welfare, competitive circumstances are necessary. An antimonopoly strategy that is successful can guarantee these. 7)    Avoidance of Cyclical Fluctuations: The concept of business or trade cycles is central to free market economies. These speak of recurring, cyclical swings in the economy and the ensuing fallout. Prioritizing the removal of these ups and downs in the economy is a key objective for economic policy. After talking about the main goals of economic policy, let's talk about the tools the state has at its disposal to achieve these goals—that is, the instruments of economic policy. Self Check Exercise-II Define goal of Economic Policy. 13.4    Summary Economic policies are declarations of goals and objectives that the government outlines and plans to accomplish through different means. A number of "market failures" necessitate the involvement of the state through economic policy. The main goal of economic policy is to ensure rapid economic development. The key goals of economic policy are maintaining fair competition, avoiding cyclical swings, stabilizing prices and exchange rates, promoting rapid economic growth, full employment, human development, and good labor. In general, there are two types of economic policies: macro-economic policies and micro-economic (sectoral) policies. In India, political decisions determine economic policy. Nonetheless, technocrats and economists are crucial to the process of developing economic policy. Furthermore, the views voiced by the media, trade groups, trade unions, and non-governmental organizations must be considered by policymakers. The formulation of economic policies of emerging nations, such as India, is influenced by global politics and multinational corporations (MNCs). Numerous indigenous institutions have emerged throughout time to produce macro-level policy possibilities. The government provides funding and/or financial assistance for the majority of them. Bureaucracy in India is tasked with carrying out economic plans and initiatives. The causes behind the ineffectiveness of India's economic policies and initiatives are several. While rigid bureaucracy bears much of the blame for underperformance (or failures), some of these issues can be linked to mistakes made during the formulation process. The likelihood of achieving the development goals may be increased by the policymakers by clearly defining achievable objectives, operational guidelines, and a "built mechanism for performance monitoring." 13.5    Answer to Self-Check ExerciseSelf Check Exercise-1 1)    An economic policy is a set of measures designed to direct or regulate the nation's behavior. Usually, the government is in charge of implementing and overseeing economic policy. 2)    The economists who are in the favour of government interventions in a market give various reason like there may be a greater equality among various social classes due to income re- distribution and improved opportunities for everyone. The government may provide incentives or subsidies to firms that meet their standards. Self check Exercise-II •   1). Policy is generally directed to achieve particular objectives, like targets for inflation, unemployment, or economic growth. Sometimes other objectives, like military spending or nationalization are important. These are referred to as the policy goals: the outcomes which the economic policy aims to achieve. 13.6    Suggested Readings •    Buchanan, J. M. and Tullock, G. (1962). The Calculus of Consent. •    Dixit, A.K. (1996). The Making of Economic Policy. The MIT Press. •    Wartney. G. J. (2004). A Course in Public Economics. Cambridge University Press. 13.7    Terminal Questions 1)    Comment how Economic Policy in India is a purely political process. 2)    Investigate the ways that varying nuances of public opinion impact the process of formulating economic policy. Provide examples to back up your response. 3)    Discuss about the several unsatisfactory results of the inadequate application of economic policy. 4)    Make some recommendations on how to enhance the way India's economic policies and initiatives are implemented. Unit- 14: New Economic Policy of 1991: Objectives, Features and Impacts 14.0 Introduction 14.1    Learning Objectives 14.2    Objectives and Features of the New Economic Policy Self check Exercise-I 14.3    Branches of New Economic Policy Self check Exercise-II 14.4    Positive Reforms through NEP 14.5    Impact of Reforms Post 1992 Self check Exercise-III 14.6    Summary 14.7    Answer to self-check exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 14.8    Suggested Readings 14.9    Terminated Questions 14 .0 Introduction Development of the infra structure; the roads mean of transportation and the basic infrastructure is the pre-condition of economic development, so state focus on providing the basic infrastructure that at the centre of economic policy. It’s good to use the machines for rapid progress and development but it is also at the centre of economic policy of state to generate employment and skilled technology friendly employment. Economic policy can be considered successful on the bases of balance of trade. Government tries to increase exports and decrease their imports so that foreign trade be balanced. State work through their economic policies for balanced development in two ways (1) balance development of all agriculture, industrial and scientific and technological (ii) balanced development of all regions means is federal state all states should be developed equally so that regional balance could be maintained. State is also committed to work for equality and justice for its citizen, so states also focus on the social and economic welfare and security of the people. They provide different type of security like old age pension, rehabilitation shelter, food and health security of the citizens. State focus on the economic problems like price hiking and Scheck over the black marketing, supply of commodities, demand, money hoarding. The state always creates the instruments and institution to check these ill practices by the people who try to create economic problems. State policy of economy basically focus on the self-dependency. Every state wants to be self-dependent in economic field. States want to control its explore, at international level and within state it want to make citizen self-dependent through different policies. Government launched many schemes of training, people skills among citizen and provide them loan and low interest rates so that they become self-dependent. In 1991, the New Economic Policy of India was introduced, spearheaded by P. V. Narasimha Rao. This approach allowed the Indian economy to be seen for the first time on a global scale. Under P. V. Narasimha Rao's New Economic Policy, the government decreased import taxes, allowed private companies to enter the reserved sector, and depreciated the Indian rupee to boost exports. The LPG Model of Growth is another name for this. The term "new economic policy" refers to the opening up of markets to private and international actors, the lowering of taxes to further the nation's economic potential, and the liberalization of the economy or the lowering of import tariffs. Manmohan Singh, the former prime minister, is credited with creating India's New Economic Policy (NEP). The NEP was first presented by Manmohan Singh on July 24, 1991. 14    .1 Learning Objectives After this lesson student will be able to learn: •    To make learners capable to understand what is economic policy •  The study will help learners to understand the objectives of economic policy •  To explains the various instruments of the economic policy centre and state level in India 14.2 Objectives and Feature of NEP The following are the primary goals of the New Economic Policy (NEP), which was introduced in 1991 by Union Finance Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh: 1.    The principal aim was to introduce the Indian economy into the global arena and provide it with a fresh focus on market orientation. 2.    The goal of the NEP was to lower the inflation rate. 3.    It aimed to increase economic development and accumulate enough foreign exchange reserves. 4.    It sought to eliminate all unnecessary regulations in order to bring about economic stabilization and transition the economy to a market economy. 5.    It aimed to remove most barriers to the free flow of money, people resources, technology, products, and services across international borders. 6.    It aimed to raise private sector involvement across the board in the economy. For this reason, fewer sectors were set aside for government use. Right present, there are just two of these. The Features of the New Economic Policy The new economic policy of 1991 brought a sea change in the Indian market and economy. The government, with this policy, did many reforms and went ahead with radical policy changes. The basic idea that India was a socialist country was challenged by the New Economic Policy, 1991. 1.    The Government Gave Up Monopolistic Control Over Many Industrial Sector In the pre-1991 era, the key industrial sectors, namely - the iron and steel industry, heavy machinery industry, air travel sector, shipbuilding sector, telecommunications and the general communications sector etc. The private players, after the policy, could enter these industries without many obstacles. The Indian Railways, the army equipment industry, the nuclear energy industry etc still remained under the control of the government. 2.    The End of License Raj Previously, the private players had to obtain licenses from the government in order to start a business in any industrial sector. After 1991, the practice of obtaining a license for starting a business was largely done away with. The sectors where licensing still remained were the Alcohol sector, dangerous chemicals sector, cigarette sector, drugs and medicines sector, explosives sector etc. 3.    The Government Transferred Its Equity In Public Sector Enterprises To Private Player As part of the New Economic Policy, it was mandated that the government would have to give up control over the commercial enterprises. This led the government to transfer its equities held in the public sector enterprises to private players. As a result of this privatisation, the government achieved significant monetary gains which helped it to fill the deficits and clear debts. 4.    The Financial Sector Reforms Just like the industrial sector, in the financial sector too, the central bank - the RBI - ceded much of the power it held in the financial sector. Private Banks could now operate in the country. However certain key aspects of the financial sector were kept under the control of RBI to prevent any unfortunate financial incident happening to the account holders. 5.    FDI The foreign direct investment policy in India also became mature after the NEP. Now, foreign players could easily enter the Indian Market. It was allowed to buy a 51% stake in a domestic company. 6.    Reforms In Taxation The NEP reformed the prevailing tax policy. On one hand, it benefited the citizens by lowering the tax rate and on the other, it benefited the government by bringing many previously non-taxable sectors under the purview of taxation. 7.    Import-Export Reforms After 1991, the companies were allowed to import a wider range of products. The outward-looking approach to trade offered the citizens to enjoy high-quality overseas products. The monopoly of the domestic businesses was over and the price of the commodities went down. The import taxes were lowered. 8.    Globalisation Because of the opening up of the Indian market to foreign players and products, the Indian society tasted the advantages of globalisation. More and more Indian businessmen, students and politicians came in contact with global powerhouses and the exchange of ideas proved valuable. 9.    Privatisation Due to the disinvestments of the government from many public sector enterprises, the private players cropped up to gain control of these enterprises. The private players made these hitherto government-controlled companies disciplined. The common people benefited from the high-quality service that they got from these private companies. The preamble to the constitution of India says that India is a socialist country. Yet socialism failed to lead India towards the light. As a result, the Narasimha Rao government had to go against the preamble and open up the economy. This led to private companies getting richer and the government enterprises moving towards the brink of extinction. Many poor people in the country were not able to get benefited from the NEP. Yet, without NEP, India would have been just another African country with no power and no say in international politics. The government drastically altered its policies on industry, foreign direct investment, currency rates, commerce, industry, and budgetary restraint starting in the middle of 1991. When combined, the different components result in an economic strategy that is very different from previous ones. In order to increase the economy's production and efficiency, the New Economic Policy has focused on fostering greater competition in the market. This was to be accomplished by getting rid of the obstacles to entrance and the constraints on business expansion. Self-Check Exercise-I 1)    What were the main reasons behind the Liberalization of Economic reform/Policy 1991 in India? 2)    What is the Main Feature of New Economic Policy launched in the year 1991? 14. 3 Branches of New Economic Policy Liberalizatio Privatizatio Globalizati 1.    Liberalisation Elimination of Industrial Licensing and Registration: Previously, in order to launch a new business, the private sector needed to apply for a government license. The private sector is now exempt from license requirements and other limitations thanks to this strategy. The following industries require an industry license: (i)    Liquor (ii)    Cigarette (iii)    Defence equipment (iv)Industrial explosives (v) Drugs (vi) Hazardous chemicals 2.    Privatisation: Put simply, privatization refers to allowing the private sector to establish businesses that were formerly the domain of the public sector. Numerous PSUs were sold to the private sector under this program. The process of bringing the private sector into control of Public Sector Units (PSUs) is known as privatization. The primary driver of privatization was PSUs' financial problems as a result of political meddling. The managers are unable to operate on their own. The production capability was not fully used. In order to boost efficiency and competition, PSU privatization was unavoidable. Step taken for Privatisation: The following steps are taken for privatisation: 1.    Sale of shares of PSUs: The Indian government began selling the general public and financial institutions PSU shares, for example. The government sold Maruti Udyog Ltd.'s shares. These PSUs will now be owned by the private sector. From 45% to 55% of the total, the private sector now makes up more. 2.    Disinvestment in PSU’s: The government has begun the process of disinvesting in PSUs that were losing money. It implies that the government has been selling certain sectors to the private sector. The government has sold the private sector businesses valued at Rs. 30,000 crores. 3.    Minimisation of Public Sector: Prior to now, the public sector was valued highly in an effort to promote industrialization and end poverty. However, these PSUs were unable to accomplish this goal, and as a result, new economic reforms led to the decline of PSUs. There are now just two industries designated for the public sector, down from 17. (a)    Railway operations (b)    Atomic energyIndian Economy: A Complete Study Material4.    Globalization: Globalization, used literally, is making anything global or international, or else considering the entire globe. In general, globalization refers to how the home economy interacts with the global economy in terms of finance, commerce, foreign investment, and production. Steps taken for Globalisation: Following steps are taken for Globalisation: (i)    Reduction in tariffs: Custom duties and tariffs imposed on imports and exports are reduced gradually just to make India economy attractive to the global investors. (ii)    Long term Trade Policy: Forcing trade policy was enforced for longer duration. Self check Exercise-II1.    What do you mean by liberalism? 14.4 Positive reforms Through NEP Below are a few of the new economic policy's beneficial reforms: 1.    India uses transformation to overcome its greatest economic crisis in an astounding two years. 2.    As a result of astute macroeconomic stabilization measures including the devaluation of the rupee and other structural adjustments, the BOP crisis ended by the end of March 1994, and foreign exchange reserves had increased to USD 15.7 billion. The amount of FDI and FII coming into India has increased significantly. 3.    India's economy is also become increasingly integrated with the world economy. From 7.3 percent of GDP in 1990 to 14 percent in 2000, India's total exports of goods and services rose. While not as noticeable, imports increased significantly from 9.9% in 1990 to 16.6% in 2000. In a decade, the percentage of GDP attributable to overall commerce in goods and services rose from 17.2 percent to 30.6 percent. 4.    As a result of reforms, increasing competition in sectors like banking has led to more customer choice and better efficiency. Additionally, it has led to increased development and investment in the private sector. 5.    As a result of changes increasing the output of goods and services, prices either decreased or remained constant, resulting in lower inflation rates. Competition also helped to keep inflation under check. Between 1950 and 2000, the GDP increased significantly. 14.    5 Impact of Reforms Post 1992 1.    From 36% in 1993–1994 to 26.1% in 1999–2000, poverty decreased. The poverty rate has dropped in both rural and urban regions. 2.    The civil aviation industry grew and air travel increased as a result of the reforms. To boost competition, the government implemented the Open Skies Policy in 1991, allowing private companies to join the aviation industry. Private businesses are currently benefiting from this strategy in the domestic and international aviation sectors. 3.    The changes that opened the borders to foreign commodities made it simpler to get international technology. One excellent illustration of this is cell phone technology.The automobile industry grew after 1991, which led to a decrease in car costs, an increase in competition, and a greater availability of vehicles. 4.    The number of foreign tourists to India increased in tandem with the country's growing reputation in the global market. 5. Reforms led to quantifiable increases in international competitiveness in a number of industries, including auto components, telecommunications, software, pharmaceuticals, biotechnology, research and development, and professional services rendered by scientists, technologists, physicians, nurses, teachers, management professionals, and similar professions. 6.    The telecom sector has expanded significantly. In actuality, this business has benefited greatly from economic changes. 7.    There are now several competing service providers in the industry, which was formerly heavily controlled and monopolized by the government. The National Telecom Policy of 1994, which aimed to allow private operators in all areas, gave rise to the telecom policy. Negative Impact of New Economic Policy 1.    The formal economy was most impacted by the reforms; communities that depended on forests, agriculture, and the urban informal sector saw little change. Growth was uneven and economic freedom was not spread fairly as a result. 2.    There has not been much job growth as a result of economic liberalization in the organized manufacturing sector, which is subject to stringent labor restrictions. Inequities between the affluent and the poor, as well as between emerging and developing nations, are often exacerbated by market-based economic developments. 3.    Two social sectors that have received little attention are health and education. Despite their significance, these areas were not given priority, as shown by the startlingly low levels of health and education that are present today. 4.    Although economic changes have accelerated development, not enough employment have been created. For instance, the rural unemployment rate increased to 7.21 percent in 1999–2000, matching the increase in the total unemployment rate (urban and rural), which had dropped to 5.61 percent in 1993–94. Self check Exercise-III 1) What is the impact of economic reform in India? New Education Policy cannot consider a domestic policy but it was international foreign policy because it encourages the foreign investment and opened the doors of Indian economy for private investment. The NEP has brought India a centre of economic investment for maximum western states but it also affected the GDP growth rate in positive sense. It has provided a boost to Indian economy and opened the various opportunitiesto the people of India. It has brought the universal brands to serve the Indian customers and changed the market relation as well. Government of India also providing the infrastructure and created an atmosphere for F.D.I from construction sector to goods and services. We find that with the introduction of the New Economic Policy, agricultural production increased significantly. To encourage economic growth, farmers were given the opportunity to sell portions of their crops to the government in return for cash. 14.7 Answer to self-check exerciseSelf check Exercis-1 1)    Inefficient management of the Indian Economy in the 1980s. Rise in Fiscal Deficit due to the increase in non-development expenditure. Rise prices of essential goods. 2)    Liberalisation, Privatization, and globalisation Self Check Exercise-II Ans. 1. To put it plainly, liberalization is the lifting of governmental limitations on social, political, and economic policy. Economic policy liberalization is centered on removing regulations and limits imposed by the government to promote increased involvement from the private sector. In 1991, the Indian economy underwent liberalization. A free-market economy was established, modernization was prioritized, and the role of capital and personal inflows increased. These objectives were all attained through the enactment of economic reforms. Self check Exercise-III 1)    The government drastically altered its policies on industry, foreign direct investment, currency rates, commerce, industry, and budgetary restraint starting in the middle of 1991. When combined, the different components result in an economic strategy that is very different from previous ones. 14.8    Suggested Readings •    Jalan, B. (1997). India’s economic policy: Preparing for the twenty-first century. Penguin Books India. •    Guha, S.B. (2008). Space relations of capital and significance of new economic enclaves: SEZs in India. Economic and Political Weekly. •    Krueger, A.O. (2002). Economic policy reforms and the Indian Economy. University of Chicago Press. •    Bhagat, S. et al. (2016). Economic Policy uncertainty and growth in India. Economic and Political Weekly. •    Rodrik, D. (1996). Understanding economic policy reform. Journal of economic literature. •    Mohanty, B. (2012). Foreign Policy of India in 21st century. New Century Publications 14.9    Terminal Questions •    What do you mean by Economic policy? Analysis major implication of NEP in India. •    What are the major reforms initiated under the New Economic Policy in 1991? •    Discus the main feature of NEP and their positive implication in In Unit—15: State and Welfare: MNREGA and JNNURM 15.0 Introduction 15.1    Learning Objectives 15.2    Welfare State: Meaning and Types Self check Exercise-I 15.3    Indian as Welfare State 15.4    Features of welfare state in India 15.5    Challenges of Welfare State Self check Exercise-II 15.6    Summary 15.7    Glossary 15.8    Answers to Self-Check Exercises Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 15.9    Suggested Reading 15.10    Terminal Questions I5 .0 Introduction Governmental institutions make up society's political structure. The state is a type of human organization that is set apart from other social groupings by its techniques, its territory, its limits or area of authority, its purpose—the provision of peace and order—its laws and their execution, and, lastly, its sovereignty. In its broadest sense, the state is the result of people agreeing on a process for resolving conflicts through laws. The term "state" (or a cognate) sometimes refers to political unions that are subservient to the authority of the bigger state, or federal union, and are not sovereign in and of themselves, such as the United States, Australia, Nigeria, Mexico, and Brazil. So, A state is a politically organised body of people who live in a specified geographical entity and have a legitimate government. Any kind of external control must be absent from a state in order for it to exercise sovereignty inside its borders. Differentiating between a state and a kingdom or empire is crucial. Nigeria exemplifies a state, but Owu and Oyo (the West African Yuroba Empire) represent kingdoms and empires, respectively. Elements of State: 1.    Population: The most visible vital aspect of a state is its population. "The most stable regimes are those in which the people have reached a general political and social consensus (an agreement) on fundamental ideas." 2.    Territory: A state, country, or city has its own set of boundaries. States and countries may disagree about where their borders should be drawn. Boundaries can also be altered as a result of conflict, land acquisition, or government talks. 3.    Sovereignty: A state's most important characteristic. Political sovereignty refers to the state's absolute supremacy over its territory's boundaries. It has the authority to establish laws, shape foreign policy, and take action without the approval of a higher authority. 4.    Government: A government is defined as "the entity through which the state maintains social order, delivers public services, and enforces binding choices on its population." 5.    Permanence: In contrast to the government, which changes from time to time, a state must be relatively permanent. This stability allows a state to develop in the way it should. 6.    Recognition: A territory must be recognised by other governments and international organisations in order to be termed a state. This understanding will thwart any type of bloodshed or conflict over issues such as borders and the like. 15.1    Learning Objectives After this lesson student will be able to understand: •    To make learner capable to understand state and its welfare functions •    The study will help learners to enhance their understanding towards national/ universal schemes of employment and development together 15.2    Welfare State: Meaning and Types A welfare state is a type of government responsible for its citizens’ basic social and economic security. It is an inherent function of every form of government, especially democracies. Common welfare activities undertaken by the state include free health care and education, pensions, welfare payments, etc. The welfare state as a distinct concept is diminishing, as it has become every government’s inherent and mandatory function. Most countries, including democracies and monarchies, provide for the welfare of their citizens. A few exceptions to this are dictatorships like North Korea. The history can be traced back to ancient civilizations like India, Rome, China, and the Middle East when some rulers prioritized their subjects’ welfare. However, in modern times, the concept was popularized by philosophers in late 19th-century Europe. Since then, many countries have adopted it as a fundamental right of citizens to receive direct support from the state. Especially developed countries give immense importance to citizens’ social security. This is probably due to the level of development in these countries and their ability to provide for the people. In contrast, the figure is slightly lower for developing countries. For example, here’s the 2020 Social Expenditure report of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries. According to the report, the OECD countries spend an average of 20% of GDP on social welfare. Types of Welfare State There are three major types of welfare states, according to the Danish sociologist Gøsta Esping-Andersen. •    The liberal Welfare State This type of state is market-oriented, i.e., the market and labor forces influence the state. Common benefits like health insurance and pensions depend on employment. Proponents of a liberal state argue that it supports individual rights and diversity and incentivizes based on eligibility. Here, minimum government interference is idealized. •    Social Welfare State Also known as a social democratic state, it pushes the idea of social welfare as a mandatory responsibility of a democratic government, i.e., the government is the absolute guarantor of social rights. Furthermore, a social welfare state is based on equal opportunities, regardless of employment status. •    Conservative/Corporatist state This is probably the least attractive type, and as the name suggests, it is conservative in outlook. Here too, the government guarantees the basic security of its citizens, but it propagates or indirectly supports conservative ideas. For example, the decision-making hierarchy is too narrow and often based on traditional stereotypes, i.e., total male representation. Self-Check Exercise-1 1.    Who is the father of welfare state? 2.    Which part of the Indian Constitution is reflecting that India is a welfare state? 15.3    India as Welfare State Articles 36 through 51 of the Indian Constitution include the Directive Principles of State Policy, which establish the foundation for a socialist, welfare state. The State has an obligation to apply these Directive Principles when enacting laws, even if they are not legally enforceable. Instead, they serve as the long-term, essential objectives of a welfare state that aid in determining the course of development the nation will take. •    "The state shall strive to promote the welfare of the people by securing and protecting, as effectively as it may, a social order in which justice—social, economic, and political— shall pervade all institutions of national life," states Article 38 of the Indian Constitution. •    Article 39A stipulates that the State must guarantee that the legal system operates in a way that promotes justice based on equal opportunities. Specifically, the State must offer free legal aid through appropriate legislation, schemes, or other means to guarantee that no citizen is denied the opportunity to secure justice due to financial or other disabilities. •    The State "shall promote, with special care, the education and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people," according to Article 46. Thus, we may argue that India is a welfare state as defined by the constitution. 15.4 Features of welfare state in India The Welfare State is a politico-economic setup with the following characteristics: •    It offers its residents the bare minimum of services, such as law and order. Its nature is interventionist. This serves to advance the general welfare of society. It is a democratic system with several parties. •    There is a diverse economy there. The governmental and private sectors coexist side by side. •    Aiming to accomplish social goals: The State uses Directive Principles to work toward a number of shared social objectives, such as gender equality, environmental preservation, and representation in depressed common areas, among others. •    Providing Food Security: India's Green, White, and Nutrition Revolutions have all contributed to the country's residents' food security. The National Nutrition Mission is presently being implemented to provide nutritional security. •    Redistribution of wealth: Measures such as land reforms, progressive taxation policies, subsidies, and other measures have been taken to lessen inequality. •    Strict legislation like the Companies Act, the Prevention of Corruption Act, etc., subjugate profiteering to the greater welfare. •    A means of subsistence is offered by MGNREGA and other programs. 15.5 Challenges to Indian Welfare State •    As to the Oxfam research, there has been a rise in income disparity in India, particularly following the LPG reforms. •    The non-implementation of policies such as the Land Ceiling Act. •    The frequency of prejudice against minorities (communal violence), caste (Dalit atrocities), gender (Nirbhaya Case), etc. •    Over the past five years, there has been a steady increase in unemployment. India thus has a long way to go before it can really serve as a model Welfare State. But it will continue to work in that direction going forward, as seen by initiatives like Ayushmann Bharat, the Bharatmala and Sagarmala projects, the bolstering of the military forces, etc. Self check Exercise-II 1.    What do you mean by liberal welfare state? 2.    What is the origin of welfare state? 15.6    Summary However, a brief discussion on this topic will help you to develop a perspective about economic policies and plans of the Government of India. Market system is an institutional arrangement that has persisted and evolved over the past few hundred years because it has contributed greatly to our economic well-being. It is not perfect, however, and in some situations, our economic well-being can be raised by regulating it or even by side-stepping it altogether. Failure of market is the most important reason behind ‘making of’ an economic policy. 15.7    Glossary: Welfare scheme: refers to assistance grogram’s sponsored by governments for needy individuals and families including schemes such as food stamps, health care assistance and unemployment. 15.8    Answer to self-check exerciseSelf check Exercise-1 Ans 1. Father of the Welfare State was William Beveridge. Ans. 2 The Directive Principle of State Policy, enshrined in Part IV of the Indian Constitution reflects that India is a welfare state. Self Check Exercise-II 1)    In a liberal state, welfare programs are a part of people’s employment and are influenced by the market and labour forces. Therefore, any incentives provided to the people will be based on the value of their respective jobs. 2)    Otto von Bismarck established the first welfare state in a modern industrial society, with socialwelfare legislation, in 1880s imperial Germany. Bismarck extended the privilege of the Junker social class of ordinary Germans. 15.9    Suggested Reading •    Pierson, C. and Castless, F.G. (2006). The Welfare State Reader (2nd Edition). Polity Press. Page, R.M. (2007). Revisiting the Welfare State. Open University Press. •    Sankhdher, M.M. (2003). Yogakshema: The Indian Model of Welfare State. Deep Deep Publications. •    Cavanna, H. (1998). Challenges to the Welfare State: Internal and External. 15.10    Terminal Question •    What do you mean by the concept of Welfare state? It •    Is related to liberal democratic model of state in today’s world? •    Definite the socialist model of welfare state. Is India’s following the socialistic model of welfare model? Unit—16: Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee 16.0 Introduction 16.1    Learning Objectives 16.2    MGNREGS Yojna: Objective 16.3    MGNREGS Scheme: Goals Self Check Exercise-I 16.4    MGNREGS Scheme: Achievements 16.5    Impacts of MGNREGS 16.6    MGNREGS and Sustainable Development Goals Self Check Exercise-II 16.7    Impact of MGNREGS on women's employment Self Check Exercise-III 16.8    Summary 16.9    Answer to self-check exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 16.10 . Suggested Readings 16.11    Terminated Questions 16.0 Introduction Even though India's economy has grown rapidly throughout the 1990s, policymakers are nonetheless concerned about rural poverty. More over two thirds of Indians live in rural regions, making up 75% of the country's disadvantaged population. At the moment, over 30% of Indians who reside in rural areas are impoverished. Land ownership, gender, caste, and occupational status are risk factors for rural poverty. Those from Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) are disproportionately affected by rural poverty. For example, although making up just 11% and 22% of the population, respectively, SCs and STs are responsible for 80% of the rural impoverished. In addition, women hold a disproportionate share of low-paying, marginal agricultural employment in rural India, contributing to their overrepresentation in rural poverty. Notably, marginal farmers and rural residents without land have seen a fall in income despite significant expansion in the agricultural sector. In order to combat poverty, the Indian government has implemented a number of centralized, national social programs after realizing these issues. A program like this is the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural job Guarantee Act (MGNEREGA), which provides a special rights-based job guarantee to lower income and food insecurity in rural regions. This program has received a substantial investment, totaling 5.3 billion dollars (Ministry of Rural Development, 2013–2014), or 0.3% of the GDP. Determining the degree to which MGNREGS has achieved its declared policy objectives is crucial, considering the scope of this policy platform, the significant sum of public funds allocated to it, and the possible effects on rural residents. Our analysis makes a distinct contribution to the body of knowledge on MGNREGS. It presents data from a comprehensive qualitative research that sheds light on policies from the viewpoints and experiences of locals in local settings (anaemic perspective), adhering to the critical ethnographic tradition that holds that learning is best accomplished via firsthand experience. According to Pani and Iyer (2012), "detailed qualitative analysis is typically better suited for capturing local processes," which is precisely what we aim to accomplish in this context. Thus, this work contributes to the growing body of research on the micro-level examination of several aspects. By employing this method, the researcher can find previously unidentified components of a given policy intervention that might be missed by other macro-level techniques. We propose that the insights gained from this approach will enhance understanding of some aspects of the MGNREGS policy that may not be evident through other macro-level approaches, even though the findings are not generalizable across the entirety of India or the entire state in which the study was conducted. The Indian government introduced the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGS), a social security program aimed at giving rural laborers in the nation a job and a means of subsistence. The world's largest employment guarantee program is called MGNREGS. The main goal of the 2005 MGNREGS was to ensure that rural families would receive 100 days of pay work annually. It is the only program in the world that ensures work, and with an NREGA job card, beneficiaries may claim unemployment benefits in the event that employment is not available. When the MGNREGA program was first introduced in 2006, it was known as the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA). MGNREGS was the new name for the program. Prior to this, the government set aside an extra Rs 40,000 crore. Through the National Rural Employment Guarantee Program of Mahatma Gandhi. The funds will be used to support the rural employment guarantee program, which will enable migrant workers who are returning home find employment. According to Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, the MGNREGS budget has been enhanced by Rs 40,000 crore beyond the initial Rs 61,000 cr estimate. There are no contractors involved; gram panchayats carry out the majority of the implementation. 16.1    Learning Objectives After this lesson students will be able to understand: •  The study will help students to know about NREGA and its working •  The study will help learners to analyses the act their own •    The study will help learner to rural development Programme through MNREGA 16.2    MGNREGS Yojna: Objective As per the MGNREGS scheme, the following are the objectives of the scheme: •    Its objective is to provide a minimum of 100 days of guaranteed non-skilled manual employment to rural workers every year, so that rural households are able to sustain themselves. •    The core aim of the NREGA scheme is to ensure that there is a source of livelihood for the economically weaker section of the population. •    Strengthening the livelihood and provide resources to the poor. •    The NREGA also aims to proactively include the weaker section of society. •    The scheme also aims at strengthening of Panchayati Raj establishments across India. •    What is Plasma Therapy: A Possible Treatment for Corona virus? 16.3    MGNREGS Scheme: Goals •    MGNREGS aims to ensure wage job possibilities for the most disadvantaged individuals residing in rural India, therefore providing them with social protection. •    By creating chances for wage employment in projects that result in the construction of durable assets, it seeks to improve the livelihood security of the impoverished in rural areas. •    The goal of MGNREGS is to rejuvenate the natural resource base of rural areas. •    MGNREGS aims at creating a durable and productive rural asset base. •    To strengthen decentralised, participatory planning through convergence of various antipoverty and livelihoods initiatives. •    It aims at strengthening democracy at the grassroots level by strengthening Panchayati Raj Institutions. Self-check exercise-I 1.    Discuss objectives of MGNREGS.? 16.4    MGNREGS Scheme: Achievements Since its inception in 2006, MGNREGA has greatly helped the poverty stuck population of India by providing guaranteed employment for 100 days. Let us look at few achievements of this scheme so far •    It is the world’s largest social welfare scheme and 3.14 lakh crore rupees were spent in its first 10 years. •    The scheme has noticeably reduced the poverty levels in India by a huge amount. It was, hence, called a stellar example of rural development by the World Development Report •    It has helped many women in rural areas to make a livelihood as well as gain social security. •    The unemployed youth in the age bracket of 18-30 got employment for 100 days a year. •    The scheme helped employ the people affected by Demonetization and GST (Goods and Services Tax). •    The scheme provides basic facilities like clean drinking water and first aid to all the labour. •    It has helped in uplifting Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). MGNREGS Scheme: Job Card NREGA schemes provide the labour work to poor people for a hundred days in the financial year. Authority grants the chance to the poor people who want to earn money for their livelihood. NREGA job card keeps a record of every detail of work doing that person. 16.5    IMPACTS of MGNREGA Apart from its impact on the economic conditions of the vulnerable, MGNREGS needs to be understood in the larger framework of its psychosocial ripple effects. Field visits to Piparvani village in Seoni district of Madhya Pradesh during 2013-14 provided qualitative perspectives on the scheme. Mired by inadequate economic opportunities in the villages, women were engaged in brick kiln in the pre-MGNREGA days making Rs 80-100 for every 1000 bricks. Strained from fumes, and hazardous materials, these women preferred MGNREGA earth works, which helped them earn wages equal to their male counterparts. Because of this wage parity, bargaining power of labour has also increased. Rise in rural wages has been accused of causing farm inflation. However, a 2015 report stated that during 2004-05 to 2011-12 there were a sharp rise in rural wages, but the scheme played only a modest role toward this. The impact albeit minuscule, is likely to have provided a safety valve to below poverty line households, battling with agrarian crisis and weather anomalies. Proximity to work (within 5 kms from the village) has helped women contribute to labour force, especially benefitting marginalised women including farmer-widows. The economic empowerment of women in Piparvani village has also led to reduction in alcohol abuse, abandonment and domestic violence. Water conservation structures built under the scheme have improved the ecological health of rural areas adding on to climate mitigation and adaptation. The government has announced MGNREGA Green India Mission—a joint afforestation initiative aimed at improving the green cover while providing livelihoods. This step will contribute towards the creation of carbon sinks under India’s proposed Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (INDCs). Twenty-five thousand saplings were planted on Gwalior’s “Neem Parvat” by utilising rural employment turning a barren mountain into a verdant site. Efforts toward greening infrastructure may contribute to minimising the effects of El Nino-induced drought. 16 .6 MGNREGS and Sustainable Development Goals •    Governments and other institutions are adapting SDGs in their organisational objectives. A strengthened MGNREGA could eventually contribute to achieving some of these goals. •    SDG 1 that focuses on “ending poverty in all forms” has social protection schemes under its aegis. This is in synchronization with the MGNREGA’s objectives. The scheme has also made progress towards achieving gender equality, which is SDG 5. •    The implementation of SDG 8 (decent work and economic growth) under the scheme could be analysed by checking for provisions like on-site crèches, drinking water facilities and others. If not, it would present an important case for government to look into these nuances of the scheme. •    Analysis of convergence among government machinery, communities civil society and Panchayati raj institutions can provide an account of MGNREGA’s contribution towards SDG 17, aiming to strengthen institutional partnerships. Self-Check Exercise-II 1)    When was the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act Notified? 2)    Under the MGNREGS scheme, who are the key functionaries at the Gram Panchayat Level? 3)    Who is the first state to employ differently able in the MGNREGS? 4)   What is the mandate of MGNREGS scheme in terms of days of guaranteed wage employment for those who volunteer to work in a financial year? 16.7    Impact of MGNREGS on women's employment Although women were more likely than males to work for MGNREGS in our research locations, there were a number of program-related problems that prevented women from successfully participating in the scheme. For several of the women participants, the sort of job offered under MGNREGA and the absence of suitable child care were specifically mentioned as persistent problems. Even under the MGNREGS, women workers continued to face discrimination. Women said that in addition to being paid less, their site managers frequently mistreated them and assigned them tasks that were too challenging for them. Furthermore, they were frequently denied compensation since they were unable to work the lengthy hours that men did due to their unpaid caregiving duties for the family and the house. Landless mothers in Kerala said they either frequently brought their infants to the fields or occasionally utilized daycare centers. In Tamil Nadu, mothers were more likely to send their kids to daycare centers called Anganwadi Centers so they could work in the fields. It's interesting to note that, despite the difficulties they had as MGNREGS employees, women tended to see the program favorably—possibly because it gave them the chance to work for themselves. Some of the women stated that they did not receive good treatment from their supervisors and that the work was too hard, but others said they enjoyed working for MGNREGS because of the more flexible hours and the opportunity to bring their kids to work. Tamil Nadu's landless women were especially vocal about their difficulties utilizing MGNREGS. Even though the majority of MGNREGS workers were women, the participants verified that the official top salary limit was Rs 148. However, the amount of labor necessary to achieve that rate was based on what a male can perform in a day. Women typically received less money since they did not achieve as much work, as the pay was based on the amount of labor completed. This was due to two factors. Initially, they found the labor challenging, especially when they had to dig, and they were unable to finish the necessary excavating. Second, women said that they had to adjust their work hours to accommodate their children's schedules, which meant that mothers often worked shortened days. Women reported that the MGNREGA program had given them pay. Self-check Exercise-III 1.    What is the impact of MGNREGA Scheme? 16.8    Summary The creation of a policy framework to address some of the injustices faced by the most vulnerable members of Indian society through targeted employment guarantee programs for marginalized community members is demonstrated by the development and implementation of MGNREGS, a rights-based policy initiative. This article examines the MGNREGS's implementation in three Indian states: Kerala, Tamil Nadu, and Odisha. It presents a few of the implementation's achievements and difficulties from the viewpoint of the end user and places these difficulties in the framework of implementing a rights-based strategy in a liberalized developing nation. Apart from possible societal hurdles influencing self-selection into MGNREGS, there were evident instances of gender and class-based disparities in the program's execution. The accounts of our landless women participants demonstrated how the implementation of MGNREGA failed to take into account distinct gendered realities, such as child care responsibilities and physical strength disparities. As a result, women experienced lower wages and, in certain cases, worse working conditions. It seems that women's caregiving obligations were not adequately recognized or accommodated. 16.9    Answer to self-check exerciseSelf check Exercise-I Ans.1) Its objective is to provide a minimum of 100 days of guaranteed non-skilled manual employment to rural workers every year, so that rural households are able to sustain themselves. The core aim of the NGREGA scheme is to ensure that there is a source of livelihood for the economically weaker section of the population. Self check Exercise-1I 1)    Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act was launched on February 2, 2006 in 200 districts 2)    Gram Rozgar Sahayak3) Tamilnadu 4)    100 days to every household in the village whose adult members volunteer to works Self check Exercise-III Ans. 1) It is a legislative mechanism to strengthen the constitutional principle of the right to life. It has helped in increasing rural household income. It has not only helped in increasing groundwater table in the last one decade, but also agriculture productivity, mainly cereals and vegetables and fodders. 16.10    Suggested Readings •    Chakraborty, R. and Kumar, P. (2016). MNREGA: Employment Wages and Migration in Rural India. Rutledge. •    Rajan, A. (2016). MGNREGA and women empowerment. Ocean Book Pvt. Ltd. •    Bhattarai, M. et al (2020). Guarantee Programme and Dynamics of Rural Transformation in India: Challenges and opportunity Springer. 16.11    Terminal Questions •    Discuss in Detail about MNREGS. •    Critically evaluate women empowerment through MNREGS. •    Analyses women empowerment through MNREGS Scheme. Unit—17: Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) 17.0 Introduction 17.1    Learning Objectives 17.2    Avoid making mistakes in Planning and implementation 17.3    Objectives of JNNURM Self- check Exercise-I 17.4    JMC visualizes following outcomes 17.5    Activities Admissible under JNNURM Self -check Exercise-II 17.6    Summary 17.7    Answer to self-Check Exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 17.8    Suggested Readings 17.9    Terminated Questions 17.0 Introduction Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) The Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM), launched on December 3rd 2005 is the largest national urban initiative to encourage reforms and fast track planned development of 63 identified cities. Focus is to be on efficiency in urban infrastructure and service delivery mechanisms, common participation and accountability of ULB's/Parastatal agencies towards citizens. It consists of two submissions – "Urban Infrastructure & Governance", and "Basic Services to the Urban Poor". The Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM), articulated in 200506 with a budget of more than Rs.60, 000 crores, signaled the beginning of a focus upon the ‘urban’. There were 65 cities where the Urban Infrastructure and Governance (UIG) sub-Mission and the Basic Services for the Urban Poor (BSUP) sub-Mission were to be implemented. A few hundred smaller towns were to be covered under other similar programmes. The JNNURM – particularly its UIG component – was primarily meant to be a demand-based, reform-driven programme that would be a game-changer and incentivise the induction of private capital. That did not happen, for many reasons, but at least because – as in other government programmes – expenditure became the measure of success and various key reforms were put on the back burner in the race to spend budgetary allocations. The BSUP, the poorer cousin in JNNURM, became synonymous with building new houses for the urban poor and its impact was limited. Legislation for community Participation and Public Disclosure has not been passed in many states. JNNURM has been a flagship programme of the Government of India. Reportedly, new initiatives are being planned by the new Government at the Centre and so it is an appropriate time to do some stock-taking. Isher Judge Ahluwalia’s book, Transforming Our Cities, documents many success stories in different towns and cities around water supply, wastewater disposal and treatment, solid waste management, public transport and city planning, and so on. It is important to analyse these success stories to learn what mix of ingredients she mentions led to success: leadership, the local political and bureaucratic environment and the roles played both by the State and Central Governments. What lends itself to replication and how do we try to come up with such a mix are questions that need to be answered. Just as success stories are important, so too are stories of failure or of potential not realised. 17.1    Learning Objectives After this lesson students will be able to learn •  The study of this chapter focus on the nature working and evaluation of JNNURM in brief •  It is helpful for learner to understand urban Development Programme through JNNURM 17.2    Avoid making mistakes in Planning and implementation Firstly, simple arithmetic tells us that, given the amount of subsidy available and the magnitude of urban poverty, efforts to build new houses for the urban poor will reach only a miniscule proportion of them. To get much better value for money, the emphasis should be on universalization of basic services, like water, sanitation, drainage, pathways and electricity for all slums. A much higher proportion of the urban poor will benefit. Improved health for children and adults, and greater longevity and productivity will surely follow, as will the benefit of dignity for women. The provision of basic services, along with some form of security of tenure, is essential requirements to improve the condition of the urban poor, but both have been neglected under BSUP. Secondly, with the exception of a few cities, there has hardly been any community participation in the identification of needs or in planning and implementation of projects and activities. In most cities, there is no institutional mechanism to secure the participation of community, and in some cases, there are few civil society groups to take up such a challenge. As a result, in some cities where relocation was planned, houses have been built for the poor but remain unoccupied, because they are in distant locations, usually without, or with unaffordable, public transport. In the absence of livelihood opportunity or social infrastructure, like schools and health centres, people are either reluctant to move in, or, if they do, they then move back to central locations in the city, even if they go back to the slums. It is evident that the links between habitat and livelihoods are inadequately appreciated. It is striking that the programme fared much better where there was a long institutional history of common Lessiony development – as in Visakhapatnam in Andhra – or where a partnership developed between the State agencies and community-based organisation/non-governmental organisations – as in Pune and Bhubaneswar. Thirdly, in the absence of community participation, City Development Plans (CDPs) and Detailed Project Reports (DPRs) were prepared by consultants and then evaluated by consultants. The consultancy industry grew at a healthy pace, but the reports had very little connection with local reality – in the absence of local knowledge and under the pressure of tight deadlines – and hence could not be implemented. CDPs, meant to articulate the vision for a city, were blind to its specificities. Non-implementation of DPRs, or re-doing them, led to huge delays and huge cost escalation. Since there was no provision for escalation, projects remained incomplete or corners were cut in implementation. There have been instances of ‘cut-and-paste’ jobs when consultants have forgotten to change the name of the city. Fourthly, the administration of the scheme was over-centralized, as every minor change required the approval of the Centre, leading again to delay. There was hardly any flexibility and it was a common refrain by State officials that a ‘one size fits all’ policy cannot accommodate the wide variations that characterize different States and cities in terms of levels of urbanization, densities of population, proportions of the urban poor, amounts of land available, and so on. Fifthly, it seems that huge quantities of data were being collected without clear purpose. What is the value of filling family profile forms for, say, 100,000 families, when in a given year there will be projects for say only 2,000 families? These data become obsolete as deaths take place, births are registered and some families migrate elsewhere. It should be enough to do a slum profile in half a day, with rough approximations/estimates of population after holding focus group discussions. Family profiles can be taken up once a project is sanctioned and ready for implementation. Money and time will be saved. It would be instructive to analyze what practical purposes have been or can be served by all the data collected so far. Sixthly, we need to revisit the vexed issue – in the backdrop of the 74th Constitutional Amendment – of whether Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) are the appropriate agencies to implement the JNNURM. Their lack of institutional capacity and the fact that funds, functions and functionaries have not been adequately devolved or provided, are a real hurdle. Project Management (PMUs), staffed by consultants on fixed term contracts, focused in most cases on project implementation, monitoring and evaluation, rather than upon building the capacity of State agencies and hence the original objective remained unmet. 17.3    Objectives of JNNURM The primary objective of the JNNURM is to create economically productive, efficient, equitable and responsive cities. In line with this objective, the Mission focuses on: >    Integrated development of infrastructure services; >    Securing linkage between asset creation and maintenance for long-run project sustainability; Accelerating the flow of investment into urban infrastructure services; >    Planned development of cities including the peri-urban areas, outgrowths, and urban corridors; Renewal and re-development of inner city areas; and >    Universalization of urban services so as to ensure their availability to the urban poor. Thrust Areas the JNNURM is designed to support: •    Water supply including setting up of desalination plants; •    Sewerage and sanitation; •    Solid Waste Management including hospital waste management; •    Construction and improvement of drains and storm-water drainage system; •    Road network; •    Urban transport; •    Construction and development of bus and truck terminals; •    Renewal and re-development of inner-city areas; •    Development of heritage areas; •    Preservation of water bodies; •    Integrated development of slums, i.e. housing and development of infrastructure in slum settlements; •    Provision of basic services to the urban poor; and Street lighting. Self-Check Exercise-1 1)    Utilization of resources’ refers to which role of transportation? 2)    What lessons can be learnt and how can we avoid making the same mistakes in planning and implementation Can we reimaging JNNURM? 17.4    JMC visualizes following outcomes •    Universal access to a minimum level of services; •    Establishment of city-wide frameworks for planning and governance; •    Modern and transparent budgeting, accounting, and financial management system at JMC level; •    Financial sustainability for JMC and other service delivery institutions; •    Implementation of e-governance in the core functions of municipal government; and •    Transparency and accountability in urban service delivery and management. 17.5    Activities Admissible under JNNURM i.     Urban Renewal i.e., redevelopment of inner (old) city areas (this would include items like widening of narrow streets, shifting of industrial/commercial establishments from nonconforming (inner-city) areas to ‘conforming’ (outer-city) areas to reduce congestion, replacement of old and worn-out water pipes by new/higher capacity ones, renewal of sewerage/ drainage/solid waste disposal systems, etc). Land acquisition cost will not be financed under this component of the programme. ii.      Water Supply including setting up de-salination plants, where necessary; iii.    Sewerage and solid waste management iv.    Construction and improvement of drains/storm water drains v.     Urban transport vi.    Laying/improvement /widening of arterial/sub-arterial roads and bridges to remove transport bottlenecks. vii.    Laying of ring roads and bridge to remove transport bottlenecks. Self check Exercise-II 1.    What types of activities done in JNNURM? 17.6    Summary Direct project benefits include expanding sewage collection, treatment, and sanitation in Bhopal to obtain a more hygienic environment. The project will also increase the city’s capacity to handle rainwater through better drainage. The project will improve drinking water quality by protecting groundwater and surface water sources. The project will also promote a sound solid waste management system in which disposal will be conducted safely and hygienically, preventing blockage of drains. But the indicators on water supply and sanitation show the extent to which a service is available, but do not necessarily reflect its effectiveness or quality. So the project should also bring out some policies evaluation of outcomes. The projects expect the city to achieve the minimum level of basic services. The changes that were being brought about by the commenced projects ensure an equitable distribution of returns generated for the people. It makes upgradations in quality of lives of people of all classes. Therefore, the changed mindset and exposure to better facilities could lead to a better way of living which in turn could help in the improvement of quality of life and city’s scenario. Sustainable urban development is central to the priority area ‘environment and health and quality of life’ of the community. The resulting high quality of life attracts investments and skilled labor, which in turn contributes to a vibrant and competitive economy. 17.7    Answer to Self-Check ExerciseSelf check Exercise-1 1)    Economic role 2)    The absence of community participation, City Development Plans (CDPs) and Detailed Project Reports (DPRs) were prepared by consultants and then evaluated by consultants. The administration of the scheme was over-centralized, as every minor change required the approval of the Centre, leading again to delay. Self check Exercise-2 Ans. 1) Urban Renewal i.e., redevelopment of inner (old) city areas (this would include items like widening of narrow streets, shifting of industrial/commercial establishments from nonconforming (inner-city) areas to ‘conforming’ (outer-city) areas to reduce congestion, replacement of old and worn-out water pipes by new/higher capacity ones, renewal of sewerage/ drainage/solid waste disposal systems, etc). Land acquisition cost will not be financed under this component of the programme. 17.8    Suggested Readings •    Kapur, A. (2013). Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM), Budget Briefs 2013-2014. SSRN Publisher •    Ramesh, G. et al. (2020). Urban Infrastructure and Governance. Routledge. 17.9    Terminate Questions >    Discus role of JNNURM Scheme in Urban Sanitation and waste management in India? >    Analyses the role of JNNURM to Make Indian clean and development. >    Discus the positive and negative impact of JNNURM Scheme in Urban India Block-IV Unit- 18: Electoral Commission and Electoral system 18.0 Introduction 18.1    Learning Objectives 18.2 Why Elections Matter 18.3 Principle Function of Elections Self check exercise-I 18.4    Why electoral system rules matter Self check exercise -II 18.5 Types of Electoral system Self check Exercise-III 18.6    Summary 18.7    Answer to self-check exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 18.8    Suggested Reading 18.9 Terminated Questions 18.0 Introduction A system of representation—of the people, for the people, and by the people—should be the definition of democracy. This is a wide concept that is associated with several important principle concerns. Politicians represent their constituents far more successfully thanks to a few key institutional features of democracy. This representation is explained by two elements: accountability and mandate. A mandate is the will, decree, or approval of the people—also referred to as the political electorate—with regard to their chosen representative. Studying accountability as vertical responsibility based on constituents' ability to reward or authorize is important. Periodic and regular elections are considered a fundamental feature of democracy by the majority of nations worldwide. There were 132 elections—local, parliamentary, or presidential—conducted globally in 2016. Democracy's fundamental principles of political equality and the accountability of those in power are given significance when elections are conducted in environments that adhere to international and regional norms for credibility. Elections are a fundamental and practical component of a successful anti-corruption campaign, even though elected officials' corrupt practices are not always deterred by the fear of losing an election. However, it is sometimes underestimated to what extent the fundamental laws governing elections have an impact on democratic practice. An election system's rules are essential to the way democracy is carried out in a particular context. The provisions in constitutions or laws that specify how votes are converted into seats—such as a mayor or local councilor's seat, a member of parliament's seat, or a standard single presidential "seat"—are known as electoral systems. The characteristics of democracy and the manner in which political campaigns and mobilizations are conducted are significantly influenced by the election system. Above all, electoral systems have a significant impact on who wins and loses in terms of "seats won" and, eventually, who forms a government. The variety of topics and ideologies in the national, regional, or local political arena, as well as the kind, quantity, and character of political parties and their interactions within the policy space, are equally underappreciated effects of electoral system choice and design. In a party system, the impact of electoral systems as mechanisms for converting votes into seats influences how parties align and arrange themselves relative to one other. This influence is contextspecific and extremely intricate. While proportional representation (PR) systems are said to provide incentives for a party system featuring, typically, four to six major political parties and often many (sometimes very many) smaller parties, winner-takes-all or majority systems are more likely to be associated with two-party systems, or perhaps two dominant parties. Election-related issues, particularly the impact of voting systems on voter turnout, are hot topics of discussion nowadays. In any nation or setting where elections are place, party structures and electoral procedures play a significant role in the functioning of democracy. Populists from the "nationalist right" have seized power in countries ranging from Hungary and Poland to the United States. They have aimed to restrict rights, particularly those of migrants, and in certain instances, their strongly ideologically motivated policies have worsened social tensions. Ideologically motivated populists from the "socialist left" of the political spectrum have emerged to power in several Latin American nations, including Venezuela, as a result of election processes. These politicians appear to be opposed to democracy's ideals or want to subvert its institutions for personal benefit. Research on whether populism as an ideology is becoming more prevalent in democracies in Western Europe has also sparked worries about how election system decisions like PR may facilitate or amplify the power of radical nationalist leaders and parties that aim to subvert human rights. Certain assessments of populism in Western Europe contend that political players on all sides of the ideological spectrum abuse the democratic qualities of electoral democracy. Therefore, it is more crucial than ever to comprehend elections and electoral systems, how they impact political parties, and the type and quality of representation in order to comprehend the populist phenomena. You will learn about the electoral processes of many nations in this course. In summary, the House of Commons in both India and the UK represents legislatures and mayors chosen through a variety of voting procedures. For internal polls, the Houses of Commons and Lords each have a different voting mechanism. There is a federal government in the United States, and elections are used to select representatives to the federal (national), state, and local levels. The electoral college, an indirect method of choosing individuals, is used to select the President of the United States, who also serves as the state's chief executive. 18.1    Learning Objectives: After studying this lesson, you will be able to >    Understand the election process; >    Enumerate the requirement and rules of the election system; >    Recall the procedure of election and various stages in the electoral process; >    Identify the nature and types of the election system in different countries. 18.2    Why Elections Matter: Numerous factors make elections important. First of all, elections are a part of a process, not just an event. Second, elections decide who will govern and if that leadership will remain the same or change. Third, if future election cycles uphold important democratic or electoral ideals, even tainted elections could be beneficial in establishing electoral integrity. Elections receive a lot of attention in democratic processes, so it's critical to take a step back and consider the purposes both conceptually and practically. In addition to describing these tasks, this section briefly reviews some current academic research on election-related topics. Election cycles are generally understood to consist of the selection of party candidates, their campaigns, their mobilization, the voting process, and the announcement of the results. However, election experts stress that elections are only one part of a larger electoral cycle, with several rule modifications, choices, and actions occurring far in advance of voting and tallying of votes. Election day, counting, and results announcement are significant but not unique events in the ongoing electoral democracy practice. Elections often mark a turning point in history, when either an established system of governance is upheld or there is movement within the governing coalition as new leaders are appointed. They are therefore pivotal moments in democracy. They are frequently rather dramatic. For instance, Myanmar's elections in November 2015 was the first truly inclusive multiparty elections held in the nation since 1990. In 2012, the opposition boycotted elections that the Myanmar military had arranged. Even though a civilian administration was elected in 2015, there is still a limited degree of democracy in Myanmar. According to some observers, the military still has significant authority in the nation due to reserved seats. When assessing the whole procedure of any election, the key question is whether and to what degree they are done with integrity. Organizations like the Electoral Integrity Project conduct methodical examinations of election procedures and evaluate every major international competition based on an extensive set of criteria. Elections in member nations are routinely monitored and observed by multilateral organizations including the Southern African Development Community, the Commonwealth, the European Union, and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Elections are usually routine and held on a regular, periodic basis in democracies that have been around for a longer period of time. Referenda are being held more often in contemporary democracies to determine "the will of the people." Every electoral cycle in the framework of democratization, starting with the founding elections, the first following a democratic transition, and going on with subsequent electoral cycles, is about systematizing and institutionalizing electoral procedures. Since research has demonstrated that there is a chance for electoral processes to increase integrity by learning by doing, experts, for example, have examined patterns in electoral cycles over time in sub-Saharan Africa to analyze the implications of the second and third rounds of elections. Elections should be extensively examined for the manner in which they give legitimacy to people in power as they are frequently held even by governments that limit democracy and manipulate their results—sometimes referred to as "competitive authoritarian regimes." The process of legitimizing or justifying governmental authority now revolves around references to the will of the people, and elections or referendums are frequently used to provide that legitimacy. For this reason, elections are frequently attempted even under strictly regulated authoritarian systems, even if they are tainted and not formally witnessed or overseen by outsiders who can vouch for their integrity. 18.3    Principle Functions of Elections In democracies, elections often fulfill four main purposes. This makes it easier to pinpoint the most important queries for comprehending the significance of elections. The following are the four main purposes of elections: 1.    Legitimization: As mentioned above, "free and fair" or "clean" voting procedures devoid of intimidation, corruption, or choice restriction are the ideal means by which the legitimacy of the ruling class in a democracy is granted. How and in what ways does the election process grant the government legitimacy to exercise power and promote socioeconomic development is a crucial assessment topic for each electoral process. In his examination of the intricate connections between democracy and the contemporary state, Warren (2006) makes the case that democracy originally developed to give the state's power of coercion some historical legitimacy. 2.    Exercising accountability: The people "hold" leaders "accountable" for ensuring security, promoting development, or delivering essential goods and services like a stable environment for economic growth through democratic procedures. To what degree does accountability come through the political process? Thomasson's (2014) research delves into the connections between election systems and accountability exercises. Elections and accountability do not always go hand in hand. In their comparative analysis of China and India, Sun and Johnston (2009) concluded that while democratic methods have not been very effective in reducing corruption, India is not outperforming China in terms of reducing corruption at the local level. 3.    Choosing ‘representatives: Political party lists and candidate nominations are two very formal ways that representation occurs, but it also has a deeper connotation in terms of how these people or organizations represent the interests of their constituency. Practically speaking, representation can be portrayed along ethnic, racial, religious, or sectarian lines (as in the case of the political parties in Northern Ireland), geographically (as in the case of Italy's Northern League), ideologically (as in the case of a "socialist" party), or in other ways (as in the case of the environmentalism of the German Green Party). At the heart of electoral processes is the construction of concepts of "representation," which express perspectives of inclusion and exclusion within the political community as well as its shared ideals, objectives, and purposes. Dovi (2016) examines the impact of Hannah Pitkin's groundbreaking research. Pitkin outlined four types of representation: (a) formal, which entails permission to act, accountability, rewards and penalties for performance; (b) symbolic, which represents a concept like gender or class; (c) descriptive, which emphasizes resemblance accuracy; and (d) substantive, or issue-oriented. 4.    Exercising voice, aggregating preferences: The democratic ideals of popular control and political equality are given significance by electoral procedures. Under the right circumstances, they also aid in "educating" the voter by establishing shared objectives, clarifying the problems, outlining options and alternatives, and competing with one another to choose the best course of action. Election procedures depend on the idea of "voice," as well as the consolidation of all citizens' opinions into a single social or public decision. When evaluating an electoral process, four elements come out as crucial. The first is voting accessibility: as few barriers as possible should exist for eligible voters to register, run for office, and cast a ballot. The design of the ballot is equally crucial; whether it is printed on paper or electronically, it ought to be displayed clearly and made as unintentionally difficult to manipulate as possible. Second, a crucial step in the process is figuring out which political parties and people are qualified to run for office. Fair, open, and democratic principles must guide the nomination process, party democracy, and the official selection of candidates. Self check Exercise-I 1.    What is the principle function of the elections? 18.4    Why electoral system rules matter: The laws or regulations that govern elections and the process by which ballots from voters are tallied to determine the ultimate victors are two of the most crucial aspects of every election. An overview of election systems and some of its impacts is given in this section. No election system can maximize all the desired results that should flow from an electoral process, such as legitimacy, inclusiveness, accountability, or creating a coherent, responsive government, according to one of the most persistent conclusions in the academic literature. Rather, it is sometimes contended that electoral systems entail certain compromises; for instance, that the inclusion concept and the majority rule principle are incompatible. The electoral system is the method used in a democracy to total votes cast in order to determine who wins and loses seats in an assembly or office. For more in-depth information on electoral systems, including a "Electoral System Quiz" to help with analysis of the possible effects and workings of an electoral system, visit the ACE Electoral Knowledge Network website. In most presidential systems, there is just one seat. In other systems, such municipal councils or parliaments, there may be several seats. The range of potential systems, their outcomes, and the particular "devil-in-the-detail" elements of the mathematical conversions that take place when numerous votes are combined into different systems to decide the winners and losers are the main topics of discussion in the classic research on electoral systems. Self-Check Exercise-1I 1)    Why in democracy election is important? 2)    What do you mean by plural or majoritarian system? 18.5    Types of Electoral System: There are three primary families of electoral systems in existence, albeit each is intricate and has characteristics specific to the situation at hand. Highlights the various electoral systems, ranging from the most majoritarian—that is, those based on the principle of plurality, in which the candidate or party with the most votes wins—to simple majority rule, in which the winners must receive at least 50% of the vote, and those based on the principle of proportionality. In parliamentary elections, a proportionate share of the vote is one that approximately corresponds to the number of seats gained. Plurality or majoritarian systems The plurality or majoritarian systems that are most frequently employed include the alternative vote, the block vote, and first-past-the-post (FPTP). For instance, FPTP is utilized in the USA and the UK, but it's also present in nations like Pakistan, Malaysia, and India. Two winners of the first round of voting advance to the second round of elections under the two-round system (TRS). The TRS, long linked to France, is also utilized in other places, such Liberia. These methods have the benefit of often producing victors or winning coalitions (majority coalitions). One drawback of TRS systems is that the amount of votes cast for parties or candidates removed in any round can lead to so-called manufactured majorities and disproportionate results. Numerous studies have examined majoritarian systems' other drawbacks, which include the potential to impede minority representation (based on variables including the geographic dispersion of minority populations), stifle smaller political parties, and encourage tactical or manipulative voting. Both in the UK and the USA, there have been persistent proposals in recent years to change the first-past-the-post (FPTP) election system and switch to a more proportional one (such as that supported by Fair Vote in the USA). Semi-proportional systems Certain systems aim to achieve equilibrium between the benefits and drawbacks of different systems. Proportional and plurality or majoritarian voting methods are employed side by side in parallel voting. These are referred to as mixed-member proportional (MMP) and mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) systems. The ACE Electoral Knowledge Network states that: Two types of mixed systems exist. A Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system is used when the results of the two types of elections are combined, accounting for any disproportionality that may arise in the plurality/majority (or other) district seats and determining seat allocations at the PR level based on those outcomes. A system is referred to as parallel if the two sets of elections are independent of one another and apart from one another in terms of seat distribution. While a parallel system is likely to provide results that are proportionately between those of a plurality/majority and those of a PR system, an MMP system often produces proportionate outcomes. In addition to various subnational nations in Russia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Japan, mixed systems are also in operation in South Korea and Japan. Germany has one of the most well-known MMP systems, in which each voter casts a ballot for a political party on a national list as well as a candidate in their district or area. New Zealand, Bolivia, and Lesotho have also embraced MMP. Proportional systems: Proportional representation (PR) systems aim to balance the number of seats won by a party or candidate in a body with the percentage of votes they get in an election. For instance, the 400 members of South Africa's National Assembly are chosen by voters using a closed-list PR system, wherein political parties submit lists of candidates for consideration. Under these systems, parties advance along their lists until all seats determined by their percentage share are occupied. Only 13 of the 29 parties that were authorized to run for office in 2014 received enough votes to be represented in the National Assembly. Additional instances include the elections in Northern Ireland (as well as the Republic of Ireland) that employ the single transferable vote (STV) system. The candidates are ranked by preference by the electorate. The second-preference votes of the candidates who are eliminated after each round are divided among the political parties until there are enough winners to fill the seats. See Quinlan and Schwartz (2017) for an examination of the operation of STV in the Northern Ireland elections of 2017. PR systems have the benefit of facilitating minority representation and supporting inclusive politics. The most generally mentioned drawback is that they encourage the growth of political parties, which results in clumsy and sometimes drawn-out coalition talks that ultimately result in administrations that are not coherent. Election systems have to be purposefully created to match the nation or setting (such a city) in a way that best serves the most pressing demands of the populace. As a result of the great diversity seen in nations, particularly in metropolitan areas, a number of academics and experts in practice contend that these kinds of systems ought to be created in a way that strikes a compromise between accountability and inclusion. Self check Exercise-III 1)    What is the Proportional systems? 2)    What is the electoral system in Indian Democracy? 18.6    Summary Understanding elections and how they relate to political parties and political conduct is crucial to understanding how electoral processes operate. When the time for change comes, this information may also help people comprehend the options and the benefits and drawbacks of each. A deeper comprehension of elections among the populace would demonstrate that they are connected to more than just majority rule. Increased comprehension and consciousness regarding election procedures will facilitate a more significant democracy that integrates favorable consequences like transparency, accountability, and inclusion. It can be easier to stop violence, manipulation, and fraud in elections if you approach them as processes rather than events. Long-term democratic threats can be averted by citizens being aware of the role electoral processes play in political party structures and the risks associated with exclusionary, frequently hollow appeals to populism. 18.7    Answer to self-check ExerciseSelf check Exercise-I Ans. 1 A key component of democratic government is elections. Democratic administration must be carried out through representatives as direct democracy, in which all eligible voters make political decisions directly, is impracticable in the majority of contemporary civilizations. The political community's legitimacy and stability are further strengthened by elections. Elections, like national festivals honoring shared experiences, unite citizens and consequently validate the vitality of the democracy. Elections therefore aid in the process of social and political unification. Self-check Exercise-1I 1)    The democratic system in India is based on the principle of universal adult suffrage. Democracy means system of Demos means people. So through election citizen of one country express their freedom of political expression and will. 2)    The plurality or majoritarian systems that are most frequently employed include the alternative vote, the block vote, and first-past-the-post (FPTP). For instance, FPTP is utilized in the USA and the UK, but it's also present in nations like Pakistan, Malaysia, and India. Two winners of the first round of voting advance to the second round of elections under the two-round system (TRS). Self- check Exercise-III 1)    Proportional representation (PR) systems aim to balance the number of seats won by a party or candidate in a body with the percentage of votes they get in an election. For instance, the 400 members of South Africa's National Assembly are chosen by voters using a closed-list PR system, wherein political parties submit lists of candidates for consideration. 2)    A first-past-the-post election method is used to elect each Vidhan Sabha and the Lok Sabha. Voters may select one candidate (of their choosing) in each constituency; the victor is the one who receives the most votes. 18.8 Suggested Readings: •    Birnir, J. K., (2007).Ethnicity and Electoral Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. •    Bogaards, M., (2013). Re-examining African Elections. Journal of Democracy, 24/4. •    Dovi, S., (2016). The concept of representation. In J. Levy (ed.), Oxford Handbook of Classics in Contemporary Political Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press. •    Duverger, M., (1954). Political Parties: Their Organization and Activity in the Modern State. Wiley. •    Frantz, E. and Geddes, B., (2005). ‘Latin America’s authoritarian drift: The threat from the populist left’, Journal of Democracy, Vol.24 (3) , pp. 18–32 •    Gallagher, M. and Mitchell, P. (eds), (2013). The Politics of Electoral Systems Oxford: Oxford University Press. •    Grofman, B., (2008). ‘The impact of electoral laws on political parties’, In D. Wittman and B. Weingast (eds), Oxford Handbook of Political Economy. Oxford University Press. •    Gunther, R. and Diamond, L., (2003).Species of political parties: A new typology. Party Politics, vol.9 (2), pp. 167–99. •    Levitsky, S. and Way, L. A., (2010). Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 18.9 Terminal Questions > Discuss nature of electoral politics in India? > Why election is important in democracy? Explain. > What are the types of Electoral system in India? Explain. Unit-19: Electoral system in India: Its Features and Process. 19.0Introduction 19.1 Learning Objectives 19.2 Election Commission of India Self check exercise I 19.3    Shortcomings of the Indian Electoral System Self check exercise-II 19.4    Electoral Reforms Self check exercise-III 19.5    Summary 19.6    Answer to self-check exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 19.7    Suggested Reading 19.8    Terminated Questions 19.0 Introduction Every adult citizen of the nation has the opportunity to take part in the establishment of the government through elections. You may have noticed that our nation has elections on a regular basis. These comprise elections for the President and Vice-President of India, as well as for members of the Rajya Sabha, Lok Sabha, State Legislative Assemblies (Vidhan Sabha), and Legislative Councils (Vidhan Parishad). For local bodies like municipalities, municipal corporations, and Panchayati Raj organizations, elections are also held. You had to have cast a ballot in at least part of these elections if you are of voting age. If not, you will be able to cast a ballot in the subsequent election cycle. All Indians who are 18 years of age or older, regardless of caste, race, religion, sex, or place of birth, are eligible to vote in these elections because they are held under the universal adult franchise. Elections are intricate processes. It involves equipment, regulations, and timetables. This course will provide you with a comprehensive understanding of the voting process, nomination filing, scrutiny, and the campaigns run by the parties and candidates before to the polls. You will learn about the Election Commission, the Indian election system, and some recommendations for electoral reforms in this course. 19.2    Learning Objectives After studying this lesson, you will be able to •    Describe the members of the Indian Election Commission; •    List and describe the duties performed by the Election Commission. •    Remember the election process from the timetable announcement to the results announcement; •    Cite different phases of the election procedure; •    Identify the poll-related officers and explain their roles; •    Determine the shortcomings and the necessity of electoral changes; •    Propose electoral improvements and advocate for those that are currently in place. 19.3    Election Commission of India The autonomous electoral apparatus was considered especially important by the Indian Constitution writers for the conduct of elections. The Election Commission of India is designated by the Indian Constitution as the body in charge of overseeing, directing, and managing all elections. It is in charge of holding elections for the President and Vice-President as well as for the Houses of Parliament and State Legislatures. Additionally, it is in charge of creating, editing, updating, and maintaining voter lists. Constituencies for elections to the Parliament are defined by it, and election disputes are resolved by the State Legislatures and the election program. It carries out a plethora of additional election-related tasks. Composition The Chief Election Commissioner and any additional Election Commissioners that the President may designate from time to time make up the Election Commission. There was not another Election Commissioner appointed until 1989, following the appointment of the first Chief Election Commissioner in 1950. A greater number of officers helped the Chief Election Commissioner. On October 16, 1989, the President named two additional Election Commissioners, bringing the number of members of the Election Commission to two. The Chief Election Commissioner is designated as the most experienced of the two Election Commissioners. Tenure and Removal The tenure of the Chief Election Commissioner and the other Election Commissioners is for a period of six years, or until the age of sixty-five, whichever comes first. It is crucial that there be no political meddling with the Chief Election Commissioner or any other Election Commissioners. Consequently, the President is unable to dismiss them, even if he were to appoint them. Furthermore, once they are appointed, neither the terms of their employment nor their term of office may be altered. The removal of the Chief Election Commissioner from office is limited to the same grounds and procedures that apply to the removal of Supreme Court justices. However, while the Chief Commissioner oversees the other Election Commissioners and the Regional Election Commissioners, the President has the authority to dismiss them based on his recommendations. Powers and Functions of the Election Commission The primary function of the Election Commission is to conduct free and fair elections in India. For this purpose, the Election Commission has the following functions: Delimitation of Constituencies: A nation has to be split up into several constituencies in order to make the electoral process easier. The Delimitation Commission, which consists of the Chief Election Commissioner as an ex-officio member and five active or retired Supreme Court judges, is typically responsible for delineating constituencies. The Election Commission provides all secretarial support (national, state, and district) to the Delimitation Commission. The government occasionally creates the Delimitation Commission. Preparation of Electoral Rolls: There is a detailed voter list for each constituency. It is referred to as the Voters' List or the Electoral Roll. For elections to the Legislative Assembly and Parliament, the Commission creates the Electoral Roll. Every constituency's electoral roll includes the names of all those eligible to vote in that constituency. Prior to each constituency's general election, by-election, and midterm elections, the electoral roll is also periodically updated. | General Election | A general election is one that is held to elect a new Lok Sabha or Assembly. | |---|---| | By-Election | of the event of a mid-term vacancy resulting from the death or resignation of a member of the Legislative Assembly or Lok Sabha, just one seat becomes available. A by-election is held to fill the position. | |---|---| | Mid-term Election | A midterm election is one that is held to form a new Lok Sabha or State Assembly, etc., in the event that the current one dissolves before its five-year term has expired. | All eligible voters are registered, and the revision is completed house to home by the enumerators chosen by the Election Commission. If a person meets the requirements listed below, they can register to vote: 1.    He/she is a citizen of India. 2.    He/she is 18 years of age. 3.    He/she is a resident of the constituency. Recognition of Political Parties: Recognizing political parties as all Indian (national) or state (regional) political parties is one of the Election Commission's key responsibilities. In the event of a general election, a party is deemed to be entirely Indian (National) if it receives four percent of the valid votes cast in any one of the four states. A party is designated as a state or regional party if it receives four percent of the state's total valid votes. Major recognized national parties as of 2006 include the Indian National Congress, the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP), the Communist Party of India (CPI), the Communist Party of India (Marxist), the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), and the Nationalist Congress Party. Allotment of Symbol: Election Commission emblems are assigned to political parties. For instance, the Indian National Congress uses the hand as its emblem, the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) uses the lotus, and the Bahujan Samaj Party uses the elephant. The following explanations explain the significance of these symbols: 1. They assist voters who lack literacy and are unable to read the names of the candidates. 2. They facilitate the differentiation of two candidates with identical names. Officers on Election Duty: The Election Commission assigns thousands of poll workers to help with election activities in order to guarantee that elections are conducted in a free and fair manner. This staff is made up of peons, drivers, clerks, typists, police officers, magistrates, and other public servants. Three key personnel stand out among them and are crucial to the conduct of free and fair elections. They serve as polling, presiding, and returning officers. Electoral Process: Elections in India are conducted according to the procedure laid down by law. The following process is observed 1)    Notification for Elections: Upon the Election Commission's suggestion, the President of the Lok Sabha and the Governor of the State Assembly, respectively, issue an election notice, marking the official start of the electoral process. Candidates have seven days to submit their nominations. The final day following the notice is the seventh day, excluding Sunday. The day following the deadline for nomination submissions is often when the nomination papers are examined. On the second day following the review of the documents, the candidate may withdraw their nomination. The election takes place on the twentieth day following the withdrawal, at the latest. 2)    Nomination Submission: Governance Framework If someone wants to run for office, they must submit their nomination paperwork in the official form, which includes their name, age, mailing address, and electoral roll serial number. At least two voters who are enrolled in the relevant constituency must properly nominate and second the candidate. Each candidate must make an affirmation or take an oath. After that, these documents are delivered to the Returning Officer that the Election Commission has appointed. 3)    Security Deposit: At the time of nomination filing, each candidate is required to provide a security deposit. Every candidate must submit a security deposit of Rs. 10,000 for the Lok Sabha and Rs. 5,000 for the State Assembly. However, candidates from Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes must deposit Rs. 2,500 to run in the Vidhan Sabha elections and Rs. 5,000 to run in the Lok Sabha elections. If the candidate does not receive at least one-sixth of the total valid votes cast, the security deposit is lost. 4)    Scrutiny and Withdrawal: On the day designated by the Election Commission, the Returning Officer examines each and every nomination document that is received. This is done to make sure that all paperwork is completed in accordance with the established protocol and that the necessary security deposit is included. A nomination document may be rejected by the Returning Officer for any of the following reasons: (i) Should the applicant be younger than 25 years old. (ii) In the event that no security deposit has been made. (iii) If the person is in a profit-making position. (iv) Should they not be registered to vote anyplace in the nation. The deadline for candidates to withdraw is the second day after the examination of nomination materials. The day that follows is set as the deadline for the withdrawal in the event that it falls on a Sunday or holiday. 5)    Election Campaign: The process by which a candidate attempts to convince people to support him over rivals is known as campaigning. The candidates attempt to visit every voter in their district during this time in an effort to sway as many as possible to vote in favor of them. All recognized National and Regional Parties now have unrestricted access to state-owned electronic media, including Door Darshan, All India Radio (AIR), and others, to conduct their campaigns, according to a recent decision by the Election Commission. The Election Commission sets the total amount of free time that each political party is given. Forty-eight hours prior to the election day, campaigning ceases. The electoral process involves several campaign strategies. Among these are (i) Convening open forums (ii) Handing out flyers and emphasizing the key points of their election manifesto—a political party's published document. It is a statement of the party's programs and policies.(iii)Door-to-doorr appeal by powerful persons in the party. (iv) The transmission of remarks by different political figures on television and radio. 6)    Model Code of Conduct: Political parties and candidates are supposed to follow a model code of conduct during the campaign period, which was developed by the Election Commission of India based on agreement among political parties. It takes effect as soon as the Election Commission announces the election timetable. The following is the code of conduct: (i) During an election campaign, political parties and contenders shouldn't use houses of worship. (ii) These kind of remarks shouldn't be made in a way that incites animosity amongst communities who practice various faiths, castes, dialects, etc. (iii) Election-related tasks shouldn't be performed using official equipment. (iv) After the election dates are declared, no new projects or schemes may be initiated or grants authorized. (v) Political coverage of the media cannot be abused. 7)    Scrutinization of Expenses: Even though all officially recognized National and State parties are granted free access to the Election Commission for a certain period of time to use for their campaigns, political parties nonetheless invest money in their campaigns. Both political parties and the people running for office invest a significant amount of money in their campaigns. Nonetheless, the Election Commission has the authority to carefully examine the costs associated with the candidates' campaigns. The amount of money that may be spent in State Assembly and Parliamentary elections is capped. Within 45 days following the announcement of the results, each candidate must provide an accounting of his election-related costs. If the candidate defaults or incurs more costs than allowed, the Election Commission has the authority to take necessary measures, which may include disqualifying the elected candidate and reversing his election. 8)    Polling, Counting, and Declaration of Result: Each constituency has a large number of polling stations put up in order to conduct voting. A Presiding Officer oversees each booth, while Polling Officers assist in facilitating the process. In order to keep their decision a secret from others, voters cast their ballots covertly in an enclosure. We refer to it as a secret ballot. Voter boxes are sealed in front of campaign representatives when voting is concluded. As long as the voter shows up and arrives within the allotted time frame, agents make sure that no voter is denied the opportunity to cast a ballot. Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs): To guarantee free and fair elections, the Election Commission has begun utilizing tamper-proof computerized voting equipment. The names and symbols of the candidate's constituency's structure of government are shown on each machine. A maximum of 16 candidates can be accommodated by one Electronic Voting Machine (EVM). However, more than one EVM may be utilized if the number is greater than sixteen. Ballot sheets may be used if there are a lot of candidates. To cast a ballot for the candidate of their choosing, the voter must hit the corresponding button. Pressing the button causes the machine to turn off automatically. Next, it's the next voter's turn. Because of the machine's ease of use, voting boxes and paper are no longer necessary. Vote counting is expedited and made more convenient when a machine is utilized. In 1999, electronic voting machines were used in all seven Lok Sabha seats located in Delhi, and subsequently in all State Assembly seats as well. EVMs were used nationwide for Lok Sabha elections in the 2004 General Elections. The Returning Officer oversees the counting process, which is conducted in front of candidates and their representatives. The Returning Officer's decision is final in cases where there is any question regarding the legitimacy of a vote. The candidate who receives the most votes is proclaimed elected (or returned) by the Returning     Officer     as     soon     as     the     counting     is     complete. Re-poll: The Election Commission may mandate the holding of a re-poll in the entire constituency or in specific booths if, during the polling process, a booth is taken over by anti-social forces. Countermanding of Election: The Election Commission orders the elections to be rescheduled if a legitimately nominated candidate from an acknowledged party passes away at any point after the deadline for nominations but before polls open. This goes beyond merely delaying the polling process. In the affected constituency, the entire election process is started over, starting with nominations. Self-check Exercise-1 1)    Who recognized political parties in India? 2)    What are the true functions of the electoral process in a democracy like India? 3)    What are the major functions of Election Commission in India? 19.4    Shortcomings of the Indian Electoral System The Indian election system is widely regarded as satisfactory. The way India's elections have been conducted has been praised by many. However, it has several drawbacks. It is evident that our electoral system has significant flaws, despite the Election Commission's best efforts to guarantee a free and fair election. Here are a few noteworthy flaws that are discussed: 1)    Money Power: Governmental Organization Unaccounted money's influence on elections has grown to be a significant issue. Political parties utilize the money they get from corporations and business establishments to sway voters in their favor. The business donations are not unaccounted for and are primarily made in cash. Election-related corruption extends to a wide range of additional activities, including voter intimidation and manipulation, bribery, impersonation, and voter transportation to and from voting places. There are many reports during an election of alcohol being provided in underprivileged regions. 2)    Muscle Power: In the past, criminals would intimidate voters at gunpoint in order to get them to vote in a certain way. They have now publicly exposed themselves by running for office, which has made politics illegal. As a result, there is now more violence during elections. 3)    Caste and Religion: Typically, political parties provide tickets to candidates based on their ability to garner support from a broader number of castes and communities and their financial resources. Even voters cast their ballots along communal and caste lines. Voters' communal allegiances are used throughout the marketing campaign. 4)    Abuse of government apparatus: When it comes to resource access, political parties do not enjoy equal possibilities. There is never a disadvantage for the ruling party over the opposition. Allegations that the ruling party manipulates the government apparatus are pervasive. All of these characteristics increase the likelihood of violence, booth capture, fraudulent voting, removing ballots by force, burning vote boxes in cars, etc., which erodes public confidence in elections. Self-check Exercise-II 1)    Is muscle power is the shortcomings of electoral system? Explain it. 19.5    Electoral Reforms: Many electoral reforms have been suggested from time to time by the Tarkunde Committee and the Goswami Committee, which were specifically tasked with studying and reporting on the plan for electoral reforms in the years 1974 and 1990, respectively, in an effort to rebuild public confidence in the democratic electoral system. A portion of these suggestions have been put into practice. In actuality, the Election Commission took several further steps to guarantee free and fair elections while it was chaired by T.N. Sheshan, the Chief Election Commissioner at the time. The following are a few of the changes that have been put into effect thus far: 1.    The age of majority has been reduced from 21 to 18 years old. This has contributed to a rise in the nation's youth voter turnout and response confidence. 2.    Another significant modification has been the rise in the candidate's security deposit to deter many unserious candidates from running for office with a hidden agenda. 3.    To combat fraudulent voting and impersonation, photo identity cards have been used. 4. Voting capture, voting tampering, and fraudulent voting may become impossible with the advent of Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs). Ultimately, the implementation of Electronic Voting Machines (EVM) will lower election expenses and decrease the likelihood of vote-counting fraud. 5. The Returning Officer promptly notifies the Election Commission of any disparity discovered between the percentage of votes cast and the total number of votes counted. Based on this report, the Election Commission may either call for a new polling place and deem the current one invalid, or it may countermand the election in that specific constituency. While it is undeniable that India requires significant electoral changes, the country's elections have generally been free, fair, and well-run. As a result, the nation may proudly claim the title of biggest democracy globally. Self check exercise-III 1)    what is the function of Election Commission? 19.6    Summary The Election Commission was formed by the Constitution itself as an impartial body to oversee free and fair elections in India. The body has three members. The Election Commission's primary responsibilities include defining the boundaries of the constituencies, identifying political parties, assigning symbols, and selecting people to oversee and manage the elections. The President issues a notice to start the election process. The Election Commission publishes a model code of conduct to be adhered to during elections along with the election calendar. The contenders vying for the nomination submit their paperwork. After being carefully examined by the relevant Returning Officers, their documents are either approved or denied. The nominees have the option to revoke their candidacies. Political parties and their candidates announce their different Election Manifestos throughout the election campaign. To gain the trust of the public, numerous public gatherings, door-to-door campaigns, and the use of electronic media, TV, radio, etc. are all planned. According to the Structure of Government, the Election Commission makes sure that votes are cast freely and fairly on election day. In each constituency, the candidate with the most votes wins the election. With the introduction of electronic voting machines, ballot boxes and paper ballots have been superseded. This modification has had favorable results since it has made it impossible for fraudulent voting, vote-rigging, or booth-capturing to occur, and it has sped up the counting process. Despite the Election Commission's best efforts, there are still issues with our voting system, such as the use of force and money, among other corrupt behaviors. Certain election changes have been periodically proposed in order to prevent all of them. 19.7    Answer to self-check Exercise Self check Exercise-1 Ans.1) Delimitation of Constituencies: A nation has to be split up into several constituencies in order to make the electoral process easier. The Delimitation Commission, which consists of the Chief Election Commissioner as an ex-officio member and five active or retired Supreme Court judges, is typically responsible for delineating constituencies. The Election Commission provides all secretarial support (national, state, and district) to the Delimitation Commission. The government occasionally creates the Delimitation Commission. Self check Exercise-II Ans. 1) Election Commission of India Ans. 2) To keep the government responsive to the popular will; to bring together citizens to choose public decision-making. To change the government periodically or if necessary Ans. 3) EC takes decision on every aspect of conduct and control of elections from the announcement of elections of the declaration of results. It implements the Code of Conduct and punished any candidate or party that violates it Self check Exercise-III Ans.1) In the past, criminals would intimidate voters at gunpoint in order to get them to vote in a certain way. They have now publicly exposed themselves by running for office, which has made politics illegal. As a result, there is now more violence during elections. 19.8    Suggested Readings •    Bogaards, M., ‘Reexamining African Elections’, Journal of Democracy, 24/4 (2013) •    Dovi, S., Pitkin, H. (2016). The concept of representation’, In J. Levy (ed.), Oxford Handbook of Classics in Contemporary Political Theory. Oxford University Press. •    Duverger, M., (1954).Political Parties: Their Organization and Activity in the Modern State. Wiley. •    Frantz, E. and Geddes, B., ‘Latin America’s authoritarian drift: The threat from the populist left’, Journal of Democracy, 24/3 (2013), pp. 18–32 M. Gallagher and P. Mitchell (eds), The Politics of Electoral Systems (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005) •    Grofman, B. (2008). ‘The impact of electoral laws on political parties’, In D. Wittman and B. Weingast (eds), Oxford Handbook of Political Economy Oxford University Press. 19.9    Terminal Questions •    How election commission is important in free and fair election in India? Explain. •    To analyses the short coming of electoral politics in India? •    Critically evaluate the role Election Commission of India in reform electoral politics of India. Unit—20: Ideology and Social Base of Political Parties: Congress and BJP 20.0 Introduction 20.1    Learning Objectives 20.2    Ideology and Social Base of political parties 20.3    Features of Indian Party System Self check Exercise-I 20.4    Congress: The Coalition of Classes Self check Exercise-II 20.5    Bhartiya Janta Party: Social Base, Ideology and Emergence Self check Exercise-III 20.6    Summary 20.7    Answer to self-check exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 20.8    Suggested Reading 20.9    Terminated Questions 20.0 Introduction Indian party system is unique. It does not fit in any kind of classification that is generally used to categorize the party systems. It is defined by the singular nature of Indian politics on the one hand and the nature of the state-society relationship on the other. In the last two decades, there has been a substantial change both in the nature of politics as well as in nature of relationship between the state and the society. One of the very important manifestations of change is visible in the context of the politicization of greater number of people, especially those belonging to the less privileged sections of society. That explains the change in the nature of the party system as well. The distinctive features that defined the party system of India in the first two decades after independence are no more to be seen at present. In his book "Politics in India," Rajni Kothari makes the case that a distinct political center served as the ancestor of the party system. This political center was formed during the nationalist struggle and was made up of educated, upper-caste, urban, and mostly middle-class individuals who had a same socioeconomic background. The homogeneity that came to characterize the political center and the party system was caused by the elite's shared social background. Due to their similar social backgrounds, the opposition and the ruling party agreed on a wide range of topics and shared societal attitudes. As a result, the fundamental principles were shared by all members of the system. All the political parties in India have different social and ideological bases, some are committed on the basis of specific region, some are based on language and religion and there are also parties having some ideological beliefs. The ideological, social basis of all these political parties has been described in detailed in this chapter. 20.1    Learning Objectives After this lesson students will be able to Understand: >    To make learner capable to understand the electoral politics in India >    This will help in understand the voting pattern of electoral in election >    This will also make capable to understand the ideology of political parties in India >    This chapter also helpful in understanding the social base of political parties in India 20.    2. Indian Party system Political parties, both domestically and internationally, never tire of announcing their adherence to "ideologies." Ideological positions are the basis of political conflicts. With a few exceptions, Maurice Duverger agrees that examining a political party's class makeup and ideological stance is a useful way to do so. The dominance of the capitalist and feudal classes characterizes India's socioeconomic system. In the meantime, workers and peasants are rising up to demand social justice because of universal suffrage, general elections, and the inconsistencies in the capitalist system of growth. The struggle in Indian politics is between the established and the new. A number of causes have contributed to the current severity of this conflict. The actual state of affairs is one of "crises," and the fight to remove powerful interests from office has gained traction. Here is the environment in which political parties function. Since ideology serves class interests, it is important to look at the social and class backgrounds of Indian political parties in order to understand their ideologies and positions on important socioeconomic issues such as nationalization of industries, land reforms, relationships between different ethnic and religious communities, and the distribution of wealth and income in relation to the demand for a ceiling on both. Political parties' class nature can be determined by: (a)    Researching the socioeconomic backgrounds of party leaders and members; (b)    Examining the nature of "interest groups" that are represented in a party, such as bourgeoisie interest groups like trade unions, chambers of commerce, federations of employers, and/or peasant organizations; (c)    Analyzing the support given to the various political parties by the "national daily newspapers," which are owned by several organized and powerful social groupings. (The capitalist press's strong criticism and opposition to the 'gheraos' and its call for the Congress-controlled Central Government to act forcefully to protect property owners' interests demonstrate how a party's class can be determined by looking at the monopoly press's support for groups like the Jan Sangh; (d)    Examining the parties' real policies and how they support the interests of the various classes. (The class nature of the party may be determined if a relationship could be found between the policies the party advocates and the class members who stand to gain from them.) It is important to note that the interests of one and the same class might be represented by two or three parties. Political parties, however, might not address every problem with a "pure and dogmatic ideological approach." The parties aim to win over the many facets of society in the framework of universal adult franchise. Parties make an effort to unite disparate "interest groups" under one banner and strive for broad-based support. As a result, ideological positions become more diluted in real life. Parties also compromise and make tactical and practical improvements. These tactical changes are only a means to an end for certain parties with well stated ideological objectives. Others believe that although modifications and compromises are made, ideology vanishes and these parties lose their support. The main political parties' socioeconomic and ideological makeup demonstrates how a range of opposing and conflicting ideas are practiced. Features of Indian Party System The Indian party system has the following characteristic features: Multi-Party System Numerous political parties have emerged as a result of the country's continental size, the diverse nature of Indian culture, the adoption of the universal adult franchise, the unique nature of the political process, and other considerations. As a matter of fact, India is the country with the most political parties worldwide. There were seven national parties, fifty-two state parties, and twenty-three54 registered, unrecognized parties in the nation on the eve of the seventeenth Lok Sabha general elections (2019). Furthermore, there are parties in India that fall into every category, including left, centrist, right, communal, and non-communal parties. As a result, hung legislatures, hung assemblies, and coalition administrations are becoming typical occurrences. One-Dominant Party System Despite the country's multiparty system, the Congress controlled Indian politics for a considerable amount of time. Because of this, renowned political scientist Rajni Kothari favored referring to the Indian party system as the "Congress System" or the "one party dominance system." Since 1967, the Congress has been losing its hegemonic status as a result of the emergence of regional and national parties such as Janata (1977), Janata Dal (1989), and the BJP (1991), which have created a competitive multi-party system. Lack of Clear Ideology With the exception of the BJP and the two communist parties, the CPM and CPI, none of the other parties has a distinct philosophy. They share a tighter ideological bond with all other parties. Their policies and programs are quite similar to one another. Nearly all political parties support democracy, socialism, secularism, and Gandhianism. Furthermore, power grab is the single factor that drives all parties, even the so-called ideological ones. As a result, issues now drive politics instead of ideologies, and pragmatism has taken the place of adherence to ideals. Personality Cult Parties are frequently structured around a notable figure who gains prominence over the party and its principles. Rather than their program, parties are recognized by their leaders. It is a truth that Nehru, Indira, and Rajiv Gandhi's leadership was a major factor in the Congress's popularity. Similarly, MG Ramachandran and NT Rama Rao were affiliated with the AIADMK in Tamil Nadu and the TDP in Andhra Pradesh, respectively. It's interesting to note that a number of parties, like Biju Janata Dal, Lok Dal (A), Congress (I), and others, are named after their leader. Thus, it is stated that in India, political individuals exist as opposed to political parties. Based on Traditional Factors Political and socioeconomic platforms serve as the foundation for the formation of political parties in western nations. However, a lot of parties are founded in India based on many factors such as religion, caste, language, culture, race, and so on. As an illustration, consider the Muslim League, Gorkha League, Bahujan Samaj Party, Akali Dal, Muslim Majlis, Hindu Maha Sabha, Republican Party of India, and Shiv Sena. By advancing segment and communal interests, these parties serve to erode the interests of the broader public. Emergence of Regional Parties The establishment of several regional parties and their expanding influence is another noteworthy aspect of the Indian party system. In a number of states, including BJD in Orissa, DMK or AIADMK in Tamil Nadu, Akali Dal in Punjab, AGP in Assam, National Conference in J&K, JD(U) in Bihar, and others, they are now the ruling party. They were first restricted to local politics alone. But recently, coalition administrations at the Center have allowed them to take center stage in national politics. The TDP became the largest opposition party in the Lok Sabha following the 1984 elections. Factions and Defections Partiality, abandonment, division, consolidation, polarization, and other related phenomena have played a significant role in the operations of political parties in India. Politicians have been known to quit their parties in order to pursue their lust for power or to found new ones. Following the fourth general election in 1967, the practice of defections became more popular. This phenomena led to party dissolution and political instability in the states as well as the federal government. Thus, two Communist Parties, two Congress, two Janata Dals, two TDPs, two DMKs, three Akali Dals, three Muslim Leagues, and so forth. Lack of Effective Opposition The functioning of India's parliamentary democracy depends critically on a competent opposition. It offers a different kind of government and restrains the governing party's tendency toward autocracy. But during the past 50 years, a powerful, cohesive, and effective national opposition has only seldom materialized. The opposing parties frequently take stances against the ruling party that are incompatible with one another and lack Lessiony. They have not contributed positively to the nation-building process or the operation of the political system. Self check exercise-I 1. Briefly define the feature of Indian Party system? 20.4 Congress: Social base and Ideology A political party's identity lies on its organization and ideology. Important determinants of the organizational structure include the conditions surrounding a party's formation, the power struggle, and the need to survive. Therefore, we may conclude that the key to understanding how the party's organizational structure is developing is the battle for dominance and the need to survive. This chapter attempts to analyze the Congress Party's organization and philosophy in the context of its history, surroundings, internal decision-making process, agencies and supporting groups, etc. In India's political life during the 20th century, political parties have dominated. The actions of political parties and their leaders elicit as much public interest and criticism as those of any other organization. Parties offer the structure needed for participation and mobilization as well as the symbols and ideology needed for political identification and articulation, which is why party politics are significant. A democratic political system is upheld more by the parties' adherence to the system's intended norms, principles, and game rules than by the ideological makeup of the parties vying for power. Under the national bourgeoisie's leadership, a coalition of classes forms the Congress party. As a result of this alliance, the interests of property owners have benefited from Congress policies throughout the last 20 years of its monopoly of power, notwithstanding the socialist rhetoric of the party and its late leader, Jawaharlal Nehru. The era of "socialist planning" has seen an increase in wealth concentration and class divides. The Committee on Distribution of National Income and Wealth and the Report on Industrial Licensing and Planning Policy by R. K. Hazari have proved this. The Congress acted as the 'center' in order to preserve its coalition of classes. The Congress's predicament stemmed from its attempt to balance the interests of laborers and peasants with those of the bourgeoisie and landowners. Due to this conundrum, the Congress lacked a clear ideological direction, which is why it used clumsy catchphrases like "democratic socialism," "socialistic pattern of society," and "socialist cooperative common wealth." The nation was not driven towards socialism by the ideological outbursts of the Congress, since the bourgeoisie and landowners had significant power and influence inside the party's decision-making organs, which inevitably strengthened the bonds between feudal and capitalist "property relations." The Congress Party asserts that it has a sizable membership. Those who paid little dues and did not belong to any other political party might become members at the grassroots level. As a result, this regulation allowed the general public to join the party as main and active members. The latter group comprised primary members who met specific requirements for party involvement. A structure of district, state, local (sub district, Panchayat or block), and all-India Congress Committees was positioned above them. The District Congress Committees (DCCs), Pradesh Congress Committees (PCCs), and All-India Congress Committee (AICC) were the titles given to the last three. The delegates at the yearly Congress session were PCC members, who are always held in a different region of the nation. They chose the president of the party and a number of its members to serve on the Congress Working Committee (CWC), and they elected one-eighth of its members to the AICC for a two-year term. Hence, the party President and the CWC, together referred to as the party's "high command," constituted the pinnacle and oversaw day-to-day operations of the party at the federal level. One can understand the process used to choose party members and other officials by reading the Party Constitution. The Congress Party's Constitution goes into great length on the membership process in Article V. It states that anyone who is at least 18 years old and agrees with the goals, core values, and promises of the party as stated in Articles I and II of the Constitution may join the party by filling out a membership form, paying the required amount, and confirming that they are not already a member of any other political party. Normally, all members have a three-year membership term (although the National Executive may occasionally elect to change this). Every party member will need to re-fill membership paperwork at the start of each new term. Membership may terminate due to removal, resignation, or death. The objective heritage of Congress thinking is composed of aspects of liberalism, socialism, conservatism, and Gandhianism. First and foremost, the ideology of the Congress was shaped more by Western intellectual currents than by Indian philosophy prior to 1920. The evolution of Congress's philosophy in its formative years was largely influenced by liberal writers like as Milton, Burke, J.S. Mill, Macaulay, Spencer, and others. The writings of European nationalists and martyrs like Voltaire, Rousseau, Robespierre, Garibaldi, Mazzini, etc. then became more well-known at the start of the 20th century and started to shape the ideology of the Congress. Then, with the rise of Mahatma Gandhi in 1920, the influence of Western spiritualist-idealists like Tolstoy, Ruskin, and Thoreau began to grow. Later yet, the impact of Marxism-Leninism emerged, particularly after 1927. The Congress adopted a historic resolution on fundamental rights, labor, economic, and social program in Karachi in 1931. The resolution was clearly socialistic. It is possible to put a native plant in a foreign soil, but its success depends on its ability to adjust to the new environment. In a similar vein, the Congress party's ideology and agenda were definitely first molded by Western ideas, but they were only able to reach a large audience when they were infused with the vitality of Indian philosophy.Nonetheless, the psycho-political climate of the nation and governmental policies had the greatest influence on the formation of Congress' philosophy and agenda. The Congress, led by Gandhi, moved many people's hearts. Its message enthralled the peasants, who make up the true India, and spread to every corner of the country's seven lakh villages. The Congress changed its status from being an organization "for the people" to one "of the people." Jawahar Lai Nehru was the most influential creator of the Congress's philosophy and agenda in the 20th century, second only to Gandhi. Subhas Chander Bose was another who had a significant impact on Congress philosophy, but not as much as Gandhi or even Nehru. Congress is and has always been more than the sum of its parts, a collection of social groupings working to forward their own agendas. Congress has always been about ideas, justice, improving the welfare of the downtrodden, and productivity growth. It is notable that individuals with diverse viewpoints have joined Congress since its founding. Therefore, it won't be overstatement to say that Congress was never able to give precise definitions to terms like socialism, democratic socialism, and so on. It is thought that Congress split in 1969 as a result of Congress losing its credibility in the 1967 Lok Sabha elections. In a sense, the 1969 Congress split was noteworthy because it appeared to represent "a shift from the politics of programmatic commitment." Due to social injustices and economic disparities, Indian society is both socially and economically unsatisfied. In this culture, the poverty line is crossed by over half of the people. Since gaining power in independence, the Congress has been dedicated to transforming society via legislation, action, and the parliamentary process. As part of this effort, planning has been adopted as a tool for this transformation. In emerging nations, ideology plays a vital role in strengthening the government and society. Actually, all of the philosophies prevalent in these nations are essentially those that promote socioeconomic progress. The Indian National Congress seeks to promote global peace and harmony while advancing the well-being of the Indian people via constitutionally-guaranteed peaceful means. This socialist state is built on a parliamentary democracy with equal opportunities for political, economic, and social rights. The congress (I) is devoted to democracy, secularism, and socialism as ideologies. The party declares its dedication to democratic socialism and emphasizes the planned economic growth of the nation, which the government is anticipated to play a major role in. It promised the people power through the Panchayati Raj and Nagarpalika legislation in its 1989 platform. Additionally, it pledges to revitalize the cooperative movement and turn it into a vibrant grassroots alternative to political democracy. The liberation of women from communalism, social fairness, and comprehensive judicial reforms are among the other issues that are emphasized. The party has been firmly excluded from a non-alignment strategy in international affairs. But under Indira Gandhi's direction, the party became closer to the Soviet Union. Self -Check Exercise-1I 1)    When Was the Congress Established? 2)    What is the main ideology of Indian National Congress? 20 .5 Bhartiya Janta Party: Social Base, Ideology and Emergence. The formation of Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) was announced in a conference of party workers held at Kotla ground in New Delhi on 6th April, 1980. Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Shri L.K. Advani took over the responsibilities of President and General Secretary respectively. The question of reviving the Jana Sangh was considered at this meeting. But this idea was not accepted. Shri Vajpayee firmly said: “No. We should not turn back. We will make use of our experience in the Janata Party. We shall move ahead on the strength of our original thinking and principles.” This was the consensus at the conference in the document, ‘Five Commitments’ adopted at the first session of Bhartiya Janata Party on December, 1980 the background and genesis of the BJP is given: Background The remarkable circumstances surrounding the birth of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) were beyond its control. Events that were both tragic and grotesque: tragic in that they signaled the demise of JP's dream to create a national party that would protect the interests of the impoverished and serve as a counterweight to the Congress; grotesque in that a group of unscrupulous politicians lacking a political foundation but possessing boundless and unbridled ambition managed to bring down a mass party. The gruesome mask they had been wearing over their faces has now been ripped. Since the BJP is a party that is built on the backs of thousands of selfless workers, has a sizable national base, and embodies the aspirations of patriotic elements, it is determined to have complete control over its destiny even though it had no control over the aforementioned circumstances. The party is committed to carrying out a historic role for the country with all due urgency and responsibility. those who founded the BJP during a period of unparalleled peril for the country. Our people require hope and faith, but not delusions. Under the stewardship of JP, the Janata Party came into existence after a prolonged struggle against the decay and corruption of Congressism. The leaders of the Congress Party desperately tried to prolong their stay in power when the social and economic conditions of the country required an alternative to it. The Janata movement started in 1973-74 and this movement of people of different ideologies and parties combined to create an alternative to Congress. The various splits in the Janata Party have pushed back the creation of this alternative and it should be the endeavor of all those, who want to meet the crisis of the Indian society and economy as well as the challenge of authoritarianism of the Congress to rededicate themselves to the creation of that alternative. BJP would be ready to join in cooperation with all those forces, who wish to engage themselves in this endeavor. The matter of purported dual membership caused the most recent rift among the Janata Party. When the Janata Party was officially founded in May 1977, following its January 1977 founding, no one had objected to the former Jana Sangh members' affiliation with the RSS. Dual membership was not a problem until the internal power struggles within the Janata Party got extremely intense, even after the party came to power. At that point, this myth began to be applied harshly to former Jana Sangh members. It is no accident that as the power struggle at the summit heated up, the topic of dual membership surfaced in a dramatic manner. The Janata Party's Jana Sangh faction attempted, but was largely unsuccessful, in collaborating with others. Even though it is now past, it is important to remember that the Jana Sangh faction did all within its power to preserve the Janata Party's standing and was prepared to make whatever sacrifice necessary to do so. But Morarji's Government and the Janata Party were damaged by the leaders' constant fighting and the actions of a number of obsessive chronic party-splitters. BJP would like to make, at the very outset, its position on the so-called dual membership very clear, in case some people have any misgivings about it. The party reiterates that the members of all those social or cultural organizations, which are working for the social and cultural uplift of the masses, and are not engaged in any political activity, are welcome to join the BJP and their membership of that organisation will not be considered inconsistent with the membership of the BJP so long as they subscribe to the ideology and programme of the party. BJP believes that politics without constructive work corrupts both leaders and workers. The party will enlist the support of all those who are engaged in constructive activity. The first National Convention of BJP was held at Shamata Nagar set up on Bandra reclamation ground at Bombay on 28-30 December, 1980. This convention was a landmark in the recent political history of India. The attendance at the convention was estimated at 50,000 including several thousand women. The participants had come from different parts of the country. The BJP aroused great expectations and was well-received. In a short period, it gathered widespread support in different parts of the country. It had a well-disciplined cadre. The membership of the party grew rapidly. The party was generally perceived as an alternative to Congress. Objective of BJP: As a great world power that effectively contributes to the comity of nations in the pursuit of global peace and a just international order, the party is committed to making India a strong, prosperous, modern, progressive, and enlightened nation that proudly draws inspiration from its ancient culture and values. The party wants to create a democratic state that ensures political, social, and economic justice, equality of opportunity, and freedom of religion and speech to all its residents, regardless of their caste, creed, or sexual orientation. The party will maintain India's sovereignty, unity, and integrity while bearing genuine faith and devotion to the Constitution of India as enacted by law as well as to the principles of socialism, secularism, and democracy. Basic Philosophy: "Integral Humanism" is the party's guiding concept. The BJP is in favor of a brand-new, cooperative, harmonious social and economic structure that upholds the dignity and initiative of every individual while avoiding exploitation. The multifarious urges and aspirations—spiritual, intellectual, economic and social—of the citizens have to be reconciled and harmonized. This approach flows from the national heritage and from the concept of Mahatma Gandhi’s ‘Ram-Rajya’ and Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya’s ‘Integral Humanism’. The holistic, total, integral and comprehensive philosophy must suffuse all in national effort for spiritual economic and social development. Five Commitments: At the first convention the BJP adopted ‘Five Principles’ which could form the basis for creation of national consensus. These principles were described as ‘Our Five Commitments’. These commitments are as follows: 1.    Nationalism and National Integration; 2.    Democracy; 3.    Positive Secularism, that is, ‘Sarva Dharma Sama Bhava’; 4.    Gandhian Socialism—Gandhian approach to socio-economic issues leading to the establishment of an egalitarian society free from exploitation; 5.    Value-based Politics. The basic philosophy of ‘Integral Humanism’ and the five commitments constitutes the ideology of the BJP. This ideology draws from the Indian heritage, culture and ethos. It incorporates the legacy of Bhartiya Jana Sangh, Gandhian approach, and JP’s vision of a glorious India. It is also influenced by JP movement, anti-authoritarian and anti-emergency struggle followed by democratic restoration. Bhartiya Sanskriti (culture) and Maryyada (tradition) taking into account the changes that have taken place and demands of the times we live in. Advocating for Hindutva, or "Hindu-ness," the BJP strongly opposed the secular policies and practices of the Indian National Congress (Congress Party) and attempted to define Indian culture in terms of Hindu principles. Taking advantage of anti-Muslim sentiments, the BJP started winning elections in 1989 when it demanded the construction of a Hindu temple in a part of Ayodhya that was revered by Hindus but was then home to the Babri Masjid (Mosque of Babur). By 1991, the BJP had become much more popular in politics, winning four states and 117 seats in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian parliament. There was a significant reaction against the BJP following the destruction of the Babri Masjid in December 1992 by groups believed to be connected to the party. In addition, the destruction of the mosque sparked nationwide unrest that claimed over 1,000 lives. Many, who were devoted to secularism in modern India, viewed the party with distrust and skepticism. The leaders of the BJP organized a series of political marches known as Rath Yatras, or "journeys on the carriage," in which the Hindu God Rama was invoked symbolically as the embodiment of a cultural renaissance. The goal of these marches was to allay public concern, rebuild public faith in the party, and broaden the party's support base. As the 2014 Lok Sabha elections approached, the BJP's standing started to improve, mostly due to mounting dissatisfaction with Congress Party governance. The BJP selected Narender Modi, the longtime chief minister (head of government) of Gujarat state, to spearhead its election campaign and become the party's nominee for prime minister. A series of polls conducted in April and May resulted in a resounding win for the BJP. The party garnered a resounding majority in the parliament with 282 seats won outright, while its allies in the NDA added 54 more. Modi was designated head of the party members in parliament shortly after the election results were declared, and he started assembling a cabinet that comprised not just top BJP officials but also a number of politicians from coalition-allied parties. The day Modi took office as prime minister was May 26, 2014. Following that, the party managed to win with overwhelming margins in April and May of 2019 and even increased its number of representatives in the Lok Sabha. This was partially brought about by the backing it received following the government's management of a security incident in Jammu and Kashmir in February 2019. Furthermore, the Congress, the BJP's strongest rival, was unable to establish itself as a respectable rival to the BJP-led administration. Self Check Exercise-III 1)    What do you mean by Dominant Party system? 2)    When was BJP founded and by whom? 20.6    Summary A political party is a fairly large group of people. Members of a political party have similar political views or fate in one political ideology. Ideology of national movements has been predominantly revolutionary. Although Ideology, Social Bases, and Provenances of Nonlunar here we have to be clear that in such a revolution non-violent adopted. National parties play important role in Indian Electoral system. however, national movement that emerge congress a umbrella type of organisation capture the all strata, all section of the society in early independent India. After some time, it became dominant party in India. The structure of congress is vertical in which its working in nation to grassroots level effectively capture the people of India. On the other side , BJP emerges as Hindu wave, leading questions of Hindu nationalism like making temple in Ayodhaya, Abrogation of Article 370 and uniform civil code. No doubt India as Hindu majority state in which BJP play important role in influence the majority of India. Because Congress minority policy affect the security of Hindu as Cristopher Jefferlot explained. Thus both parties continuously try to capture all section of the society because of vote politics. 20.7 Answer to self-check exerciseSelf check exercise-I 1.    India has a multi-party system where different political parties compete democratically for control. A considerable number of political parties have developed as a result of the size of the country's continent, the variety of Indian society, the adoption of the universal adult franchise, the unique nature of the political process, and other considerations. In truth, India leads the world in the number of political parties per person. India's political structure is unique. It does not fit within any of the typical classifications used to classify party systems. It is distinguished by the dynamics between the state and society as well as the distinctive aspects of Indian politics. Self check Exercise-1I 1)    28 December 1885 2)    Social liberalism, Social Democracy, Civic nationalism, Secularism, Gandhian liberalism Self check Exercise-III 1 ) Any ruling party staying in power for more than one consecutive term may be considered a dominant party (also referred to as a predominant or hegemonic party). 2 ) 6 April, 1980 by Atal Bihari Vajpayee, L.K Advani 2 0.8 Suggested Reading •    Birnir, J. K. (2007). Ethnicity and Electoral Politics. Cambridge University Press. •    Bogaards, M., (2013). Reexamining African Elections’, Journal of Democracy, Vol.24((4). •    Dovi, S. and Pitkin, H. (2016). The concept of representation’, in J. Levy (ed.), Oxford Handbook of Classics in Contemporary Political Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press •    Duverger, M. (1954). Political Parties: Their Organization and Activity in the Modern State .Wiley. •    Frantz, E. and Geddes, B., ‘Latin America’s authoritarian drift: The threat from the populist left’, Journal of Democracy, 24/3 (2013), pp. 18–32 •    Gallagher, M. and Mitchell, P. (eds), (2005). The Politics of Electoral Systems. Oxford University Press. •    Holmsten, S., Moser, R. and Slosar, M., (2010).‘Do ethnic parties exclude women?’, Comparative Political Studies, 43/10 (2010), pp. 1179–220 •    Horowitz, J. (2016). ‘The ethnic logic of campaign strategy in diverse societies: Theory and evidence from Kenya’, Comparative Political Studies, Vol.49 (3), pp. 324–56 •    Levitsky, S. and Way, L. A., (2010). Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War . Cambridge University Press. •    Lijphart, A. (2008). Thinking about Democracy: Power Sharing and Majority Rule in Theory and Practice .Routledge. •    Lijphart and B. Grofman (eds) (1984). Choosing an Electoral System: Issues and Alternatives. Praeger. •    Mudde, C. (2013). The 2012 Stein Rokkan Lecture. Three decades of populist radical right parties in Western Europe: So what?’, European Journal of Political Research, Vol.52(1) ,pp. 1–19 •    Mudde, C. and Kaltwasser, C. R. (2013). ‘Populism’, In M. Freeden and M. Stears (eds), Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies .Oxford University Press. 2 0.9 Terminal Questions •    To examine the social base and working of Congress party in India. •    What do you mean by dominant party? Analysis the role of Congress during 1980s. •    What do you mean by social base? To examine the role of Bhartiya Janata Party in India. •    Rise of BJP under the leadership of Modi’s government? Explain. Unit-21: Ideology and Social Base of State parties: SAD 21.0 Introduction 21.1    Learning Objectives 21.    2 Background of Political party in India Self check exercise-I 21.3    Ideology and Social Base of Political Parties in India Self check Exercise-II 21.4    The Ideology and Social Base of Akali Dal Self check Exercise-III 21.5    Summary 21.6    Answer to self-Questions Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 21.7    Suggested Readings 21.8    Terminated Questions 21.0 Introduction Power structures are linked to ideologies. Power is what politicians aspire to. Their actions after gaining power are influenced by their philosophy as well as the social, political, and economic climate of the era. It is in fact impossible to distinguish between the two. Even people who reject having an ideology are subject to this. Power is always used within an ideological framework. Only by making reference to the major ideological movements—liberalism, socialism, fascism, conservatism, and so forth—can modern politics be fully comprehended. An ideology is a system of ideas ascribed to an individual or group of individuals, particularly those held for purposes other than those that are strictly intellectual, and in which "theoretical elements are as prominent as practical ones." Ideology therefore has at least three characteristics: it is accepted as true by a certain group despite being unverified or unverifiable because it serves that group's social needs. Put otherwise, people do not have to have their views "proved" by logical, scientific means of investigation. They represent "truth" and "reality" to those who follow them. Every political ideology asserts that it has the "true" conceptions of justice, equality, liberty, and the "best" society. Any social group, including class, nation, profession, religious organization, party, or pressure group, might be considered the "particular group" that was previously described. Everybody will have a set of beliefs that are universally acknowledged as "correct." Ideologies provide a wide range of "social functions." Ideology and state politics will be involved, as well as the explanation of the past, the analysis of the present, and, typically, a vision of the future that includes some explanation of how a better future will be achieved. These will include the development of a sense of group solidarity and cohesion for members of that group through shared ideological values. Political ideology is a term fraught with problems, having been called "the most elusive concept in the whole of social science". While ideologies tend to identify themselves by their position on the political spectrum (such as the left, the centre or the right), they can be distinguished from political strategies (e.g. populism as it is commonly defined) and from single issues around which a party may be built (e.g. civil libertarianism and support or opposition to European integration), although either of these may or may not be central to a particular ideology. Several studies show that political ideology is heritable within families. 21.1    Learning Objectives After this lesson students will be able to understand: •  To make learner capable to understand the ideology and social base of political parties •  To make learner capable to know the regional parties influence and their working in state politics •    This will helpful for learner to understand the ideology and social base of SAD 21.2    Background of Political Party in India Political parties in India were given a broad framework of beliefs by the nationalism movement, especially from the 1920s. During the last stages of the liberation fight, nationalism, socialism, secularism, and democracy emerged as the primary tenets of the Congress and continue to do so today. Following independence, several political groups, such as Bharatiya Jan Sangh, placed emphasis on nationalism based on cultural and civilizational ethos even if they expressed complete trust in socialism, secularism, and democracy. However, the social revolution that resulted in the formation of the proletariat and peasantry's rule, inspired by Marxism and Leninism, maintained the foundation of the communists' beliefs in secularism, socialism, and democracy. Thus, socialism, secularism, nationalism, Hindutva, and Marxism served as the foundation for political parties' beliefs during their formative years. Naturally, there were religious identity-based parties like the Muslim League and Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), which envisioned religious communities as distinct political entities. The members of the Congress Party were divided into three ideological groups: leftists, centrists, and rightists. The Socialists, who broke away from the Congress Party in 1948 to establish the Socialist Party, were the first faction inside the party to disagree with the Congress's overarching policies. There were several splits and reunions within the Socialist Party. In order to create a noncommunist opposition to the Congress, Kripalani founded the Kisan Mazdoor Praja Party (KMPP) in 1951. However, following the 1952 elections, KMPP and the Socialist Party combined to establish the Praja Socialist Party (PSP). 1955 saw Lohia break from the PSP and resurrect the erstwhile Socialist Party. Once more, the Socialist Party and PSP merged to become the Samyukta Socialist Party (SSP) in 1964.In 1959, a faction within the Congress Party led by C. Rajagopalachari announced their disapproval of the party's policy of granting the government significant control over the nation's economy, with the aim of transforming the public sector into a dominant force. This faction left the Congress Party and established the Swatantra Party. The liberal philosophy was the platform of the Swatantra Party. Despite doing well in the 1967 General Elections and emerging as the second largest party in the Lok Sabha, this party, however, quickly vanished from sight. The Congress Party experienced a rift in 1969. The party was reported to have split into radical factions led by Mrs. Indira Gandhi and conservative factions led by the "Syndicate," the party's old guard. However, ideology was not a major factor in the division. The emergence of the new Congress Party under Mrs. Gandhi's direction was more closely linked to the Congress's altered operational procedures than to any shifts in the party's philosophy. Subsequent events revealed that Indira Gandhi's extreme statements and intense ideological fervor were only a ploy to position her as the party's unchallenged leader. There was never a clear relationship between the Congress and Socialists. The fractures within the Socialist Party were partially caused by disagreements about how to work with Congress. Socialists' positions became almost identical to the Congress's due to their ideological hostility to Communism's theory and practice and formal endorsement of the Congress's goal of creating a socialistic pattern of society, which brought them closer to the Congress Party. Lohia and Narendra Dev were against any alliance with the Congress. 1953 saw the breakdown of JP and Nehru's cooperation negotiations. After being kicked out of the PSP in 1962, Ashok Mehta became a central cabinet minister for the Congress. The Communists presented the Congress with the strongest resistance. In certain regions of the nation, the Communists engaged in violent conflict shortly after independence in an attempt to topple the Indian government. However, the Communists eventually abandoned the use of force and entered the democratic electoral process. The Communist Party saw many splits as a result of ideological disagreements about the nature of Indian governments, the route to revolution in India, and the revolutionary path's strategy and tactics. Nonetheless, their election-related activities and accomplishments in establishing and overseeing state governments cemented their position in the legislative political sphere. The fracturing organizations that supported armed conflict split up again and eventually came together to form the CPI (Maoist), which is currently fighting the current government through guerilla warfare. It's interesting to note that the united CPI decided to support the Congress Party and create a United Front with it following internal party debates over the nature of the Indian state and revolution. In 1964, the opposite group, which adopted a hostile stance, founded CPM. The CPM split, the CPI (ML) was formed, along with other revolutionary parties based on Maoism in 1967. The divisions within these groupings also demonstrate the significant contrasts in Communist policy and tactics. A deeper look at the divisions among the Communists, however, exposes how they perceive interpersonal conflicts, organizational issues, leadership rivalry, and programmatic stances. After the split in the Janata Party in 1979, its constituent Bharatiya Jan Sangh formed the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1980. Besides adopting the main ideological base of the erstwhile Jan Sangh, the BJP adopted Gandhism, socialism and Cultural Nationalism as its ideological plank. The main reason for the BJP’s rise in 1990s was its forceful presentation of Indian nationalism and stiff opposition to the Congress programme of Muslim appeasement. It made people aware of the threat the Congress faced to Hindutva beliefs and Indian culture. The BJP was able to solidify itself thanks to its capacity to reach out to the middle class, redefine nationalism, and express the material and cultural desires of the populace. Its ascent was greatly aided by its capacity to reinterpret its identity, broaden its social base, and form coalitions with local parties. Caste, religion, language, and location have also taken on ideological implications in the operation of political organizations. In the days before partition, the Muslim League maintained that Indian Muslims were a distinct political community. Urdu and Islam offered the two differentiators. The Muslim League was resurrected in 1948 following the partition, despite further divisions. In Andhra Pradesh, the Majlis of the Nizam era is carried on by the AIMIM. It primarily targets the state's Muslim population and is centered on Hyderabad. In a similar vein, SAD of Punjab is a Sikh-only organization with religious roots. The Sikhs, according to the leaders of the SAD, are a distinct political community (Panth). The pinnacle of political and religious activities is the Akal Takht. The SAD started a push for a Punjabi Suba, or separate state for Sikhs, which comprised territories where Sikhs constitute the predominant population and excluded Hindi-speaking areas. It waged a violent campaign for Khalistan in the 1970s and 1980s. Like in Kerala, there are Christian parties across the nation. Ideological qualities were also acquired by language and geography. Linguistic nationalism is a manifestation of regionalism as language and territory coexist. They become a potent force when they are further blended with religion, culture, or ethnic identity. The rise of several separatist organizations and regional parties can be seen in the East, West, and South. The ability for a region to take on the form of an ideology is demonstrated by the TDP's consolidation, the ascent of Shiv Sena, AGP, BJD (and its previous incarnation, Utkal Congress), National Conference and PDP in J&K, JMM, Trinamool Congress, etc. Center-state relations are becoming more strained as a result of the growing tendency of regional party creation. Regional party leaders want the state to have more authority within a federal framework. Due to the concentration of regional parties, this tendency has also contributed to the fall of national parties in those states. Interests and regional identity continued to be potential points of political mobilization. This has frequently manifested as center-state issues. But the aims of regional party leaders are not usually limited to the region; rather, they often aspire to national goals as well, which puts them in competition with national parties for power. As a result, they take up combative stances, especially directed toward the Congress, the official national party. Of the national parties, the more patriotic BJP was the first to see this new trend and formed alliances with these parties. Subsequently, the Congress followed suit, but it has not yet reconciled with the fact that regional parties coexist despite holding divergent ideologies. All parties must declare their secular, socialist, and democratic affiliations in order to register with the Election Commission. Their interpretation of these ideas is different. Parties that target voters on the basis of caste and religion consider themselves to be secular. For example, secularism is supported by SAD, Muslim League, National Conference, Kerala Congress, and Shiv Sena. They declare that they are against pseudo-secularism and in favor of secularism. BSP is an acronym meaning Dalit emancipation and empowerment, among other things. This is the way Indian parties have developed and the Indian mentality has accepted socialism and secularism. Ideology did not stop political parties from forming coalitions, with the exception of the first few years following independence. In Kerala, the Muslim League and the Communist Party jointly fought elections. In that state, Congress and CPI could form coalitions and work together to reach an electoral consensus. Ideology does not always impede party chemistry, as seen by the formation of the Janata Party by socialists, former Congressmen, and the Jan Sangh. It's interesting to note that in 1967, the ideologically opposed CPI and Jan Sangh formed the Samyukta Vidhayak Dal (SVD) administration (SVD) in Bihar, which was headed by socialist Karpoori Thakur. As a result, we discover that a party's relationship with another is not dependent on its ideology. Parties are always willing to compromise because of political and electoral demands. Coalitional arrangements vary according on the demands of the circumstances. In 1998, a few socialists teamed up with the BJP, and they have been content ever since. NDA and UPA are switched sides by DMK and AIDMK. With the BJP's backing, the BSP established a government in Uttar Pradesh. The National Conference and SAD joined NDA as partners. Theoretically any party except BJP could fit into the UPA. The Third Front which went into oblivion immediately after its birth but is struggling to take shape again, can accommodate any party except BJP and Congress, while the NDA can take any party except the Congress and Communists. The exclusion and inclusion are more due to party competition and electoral considerations rather than ideological positions. Indian party politics is typically characterized as centred on leaders, based on social cleavages, and not ideological. This book challenges those views and asserts that, as in many other parts of the world, a deep ideological divide frames the Indian party system. It claims that the paradigm of state formation based largely on class politics is not entirely applicable to many multi-ethnic countries in the twentieth century. The most significant discussions in nations with greater diversity revolve around the extent to which the state should control society, set social norms, redistribute private property, and decide whether or not to accommodate the needs of different marginalized groups while defending minority rights against assertive majoritarian tendencies. These two issues—the state’s role in transforming social traditions and its role as accommodator of various social groups—constitute the dimensions of ideological space as it exists in Indian party politics today. Self-Check Exercise-1 1)    What are criteria to become a state party in India? 2)    What do you mean by regional parties? 21.3    Ideology and Social Base of Political Parties in India The only factor that explains the mushrooming growth of political parties in India is the difference in their Ideology/Social base. 1.    Indian National Congress and Social Liberalism The dominant party in Indian political space has formed government for 10 times, winning majority on six occasions and forming coalitions for four times. For its social liberal outlook, the Congress Party is generally placed on the Centre-Left of the political spectrum. It adheres to the Gandhian principle of upliftment of all sections of society. Unlike many other contemporary parties, Congress supports liberal nationalism, which can also be referred as a more tolerant nationalism with space for equality, freedom and rights. According to Christophe Jaffrelot Congress, which was once an umbrella party, has been reduced to the status of party of minority. 2.    BJP and Right-Wing Politics BJP, undoubtedly, has had a good run in the last three or four decades. After a very slow entry into the mainstream politics, the party gradually climbed the ladder of recognition before becoming India’s largest political party in terms of representation in the Parliament. Having its genesis in the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, the BJP maintains ideological and organisational links to the Hindu nationalist group – Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). From Ram Janmabhoomi movement, Uniform Civil Code to Good Governance, the party has been prudently selecting and taking stand on issues of national importance to gain better visibility. Also faced recent controversies on beef-ban,Gharwapsi etc. Thomas Blom Hanson in his book ‘Saffron Wave’ has explained the phenomenal rise of BJP and the forces of Hindutva. Milan Vaishnav also suggests that there is a big change in the electoral behaviour of people in India. For long, Indian politics was based on the agenda of secularism and minoritism. The present Indian politics is a rejection of both minoritism and Congress version of secularism and the assertion of majoritarianism in combination with the concern for good governance and development. 3.    Separatist Political Parties The All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC) was initially formed as an alliance of 26 political, social and religious organisations in Kashmir to achieve “the right of self-determination.” Apart from Jammu Kashmir Democratic Liberation Party (JKDLP), the alliance comprised other separatist political parties in Kashmir including Yaseen Malik’s Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), Sheikh Yaqoob’s Jammu and Kashmir Peoples League (JKPL), and Shabbir Shah’s People’s Democratic Front (PDF). 4.    Communist Parties in India The communist parties are perennially a proponent of subsidies, minority appeasement and preservation of human rights, the Left parties are facing existential crisis after 2014 General Elections, Communist Party of India (CPI) can be called the progenitor that has worked its way through a series of movements to become a political force to reckon with. From armed struggle against local monarchs in Tripura, Telangana and Kerala to agrarian struggle in Manipur, the party has always been at the forefront of social movements. Land reform and trade union movements also cover a large chunk of CPI’s political ideology. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI-M) calls itself the “revolutionary vanguard of the working class of India.” Its political ideology is centred on socialism, communism and establishment of “the state of dictatorship of the proletariat.” The principles of Marx and Lenin guide the party’s activities. The declared objective of CPI-M is the emancipation of the masses and finding a way to end “exploitation of man by man.” Also there are some regional parties who fight for regional problems having ideology and social base for the sates like Shivsena, MNS in Maharashtra; JDU, LJP in Bihar; All India Trinmool Congress in West Bengal; Telugu Desam Party in Telangana; YSR Congress Party in Andhra Pradesh; SP,BSP(Also national parties) in Uttar Pradesh, etc.. Self check Exercise-II 1.    What is the criteria to become national political party in India? Give some examples. 21.4    The Ideology and Social Base of Akali Dal The following are the requirements in India to become a state party: A political party must meet at least one of the requirements listed below in order to become a state party: A). For every 25 seats in the Lok Sabha, or any portion thereof, given to that State, a party must win at least one seat. Or B). A party must secure at least three seats or 3% of the total number of seats in the Legislative Assembly. Or C). The party must secure one Lok Sabha and two Assembly seats, as well as at least 6% of the total votes cast in a given election. Or D). A party may still be recognized as a State Party if it receives 8% or more of all valid votes cast in the state, even if it loses all seats in the state's general election for the Lok Sabha or Legislative Assembly. Akali Dal The Akali Dal traces its origins to the Sikh religious reform movement and the drive by the Sikhs to gain control of their Gurdwaras in the early 1920s. During this period of agitation, the Akali Dal was established as an institutional political force under the leadership of Master Tara Singh. The Akali Dal moved quickly from its religious reform activities to political action because the gurdwara movement involved a direct political confrontation with the British and the British-supported Hindu mahants. 5 Meanwhile, in October 1920, the religious Sikhs of Punjab formed the Shiromani Gurdawara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC), whose charge was to gain control and management over all Sikh shrines, and put the Sikh community on firm footing when India became independent. Over the years, the Akali Dal's ideology came to be identified with the protection of the Sikh Panth, or more specifically, the protection of Sikh rights and ensuring the Sikhs' continued existence as an independent political entity. The close relationship between religious and political solidarity has been defended by the Akali ideologues on the grounds that it has provided a protective shield to the Sikh community and helped it maintain its distinct identity. 8 This relationship between Sikh ideology and political interests has been reflected in such demands as the Anandpur Sahib Resolution (1973) and the All-India Gurdwara Act, proposed in the Rajiv-Longowal Accords (1985). The All-India Gurdwara Act, for example, sought to extend the domain of the SGPC (which currently controls only the Gurdwaras in Punjab and the neighbouring states of Himachal Pradesh and Haryana) to all the Gurdwaras in the country. Such legislation would strengthen a religious structure which, in turn, would be used politically to prevent government interference in Sikh religious matters. As the Akali ideology is based on Sikh tradition and ideals, it has exercised strong influence on the tradition-oriented Sikh masses, who have shown their support for the party at elections. 9 The early Sikh leaders recognized the need for a communal consciousness, which was emphasized to a large extent by a "we-they" distinction between Sikhs and Hindus on the one hand and between the Punjab and the Centre on the other. It was this communal consciousness which expressed the Sikhs' scepticism of their future in a Hindu-dominated Punjab. As a result of this alleged fear of Hindu domination over the Sikhs, the Akali Dal demanded a separate Punjabi-speaking state in which the Sikhs would be dominant - a Punjabi Suba. The precursor to the present-day SAD was an organization established in December 1920 to help guide the quasi-militant Akali movement of the early 1920s, in which Sikhs demanded and (through the Sikh Gurdwara Act of 1925) won from the ruling British authorities in India control over the gurdwaras (Sikh houses of worship). The present-day SAD, which has claimed to be the oldest regional political party in India, has also controlled Sikh religious institutions such as the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC) and, more recently, the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee. From the mid-1920s the SAD was a part of the Indian independence movement, and its members participated in the protests and civil-disobedience programs (Satyagraha) of Mohandas K. Gandhi and the Indian National Congress (Congress Party). Although the SAD remained committed to the broader objectives of Indian independence from Britain, its primary mission remained the promotion and protection of the rights of the Sikh minority. The SAD first contested elections as a political party in 1937, after the Government of India Act of 1935 had authorized the creation of provincial assemblies in British India. With Indian independence achieved in 1947, the SAD spearheaded the movement to create a separate state for the Punjabi-speaking and largely Sikh populace of north western India. The movement finally realized its goal when the state of Punjab was divided in 1966, the south-eastern portion of it becoming the predominantly Hindi-speaking state of Haryana. In 1967, in the first legislative assembly elections for the newly configured Punjab state, the SAD won fewer than one-fourth of the total number of seats but was able to cobble together a broad coalition of non-Congress parties to form the state government. Conflicts and power struggles within the party, however, led to the government’s fall within months. In the 1969 assembly elections, the SAD won more seats than it had in 1967, but it was still short of a majority and again formed a coalition government—this time with the Bharatiya Jana Sangh party (a proHindu forerunner of the Bharatiya Janata Party [BJP]). That government was also short-lived again marked by intraparty fighting and frequent leadership changes that culminated in the dissolution of the government in mid-1971 and a period of rule by the central government in New Delhi. The SAD lost badly in the 1972 assembly elections, and the Congress Party, with a majority of seats, formed the government. Over the next several years, the SAD attempted to rebuild and to re-establish itself as the sole representative of the Sikh community. The party nonetheless underwent divisions, with several splinter groups claiming the mantle of the true SAD. The party did win a majority of seats in the 1977 state assembly elections and formed a government, with Parkash Singh Badal as chief minister (head of government). It was Badal’s second term in the office, as he had served in 1970– 71, during the first SAD-led government. The party again lost to Congress in the 1980 state assembly elections. Also at that time, a growing number of Sikhs were agitating for greater autonomy, and some were resorting to violent means to promote their demands. In 1982 the main militant leader, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, and his armed followers occupied the Harmandir Sahib (Golden Temple) in Amritsar. They were forcefully evicted in June 1984 by the Indian military, and Bhindranwale was killed during the operation. There followed a period of violence in Punjab and elsewhere in India that included the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards at the end of October. Despite continuing factionalism in the SAD, the party won a large majority of seats in the 1985 assembly elections and formed a government in the state that lasted for almost two years before central rule from New Delhi was reimposed. The party boycotted the 1992 assembly elections, and the Congress Party emerged victorious. Meanwhile, Badal, leader of the largest of the various SAD factions, became president of the party in 1996. The party won another large majority of seats in the 1997 assembly elections and formed the government, with Badal serving his third term as chief minister. After again losing to Congress in the 2002 assembly polls, the SAD—in alliance with the BJP—won in 2007; Badal commenced his fourth term as chief minister. The alliance retained power in 2012, with Badal continuing as chief minister. However, in 2008 he had stepped down as president of the party and been succeeded in that post by his son, Sukhbir Singh Badal. The SAD maintained a modest presence in the Lok Sabha (lower chamber of the Indian parliament), often consisting of only a small handful of seats from Punjab constituencies. Its highest seat total was nine in the 1977 elections, and it garnered eight in the 1996, 1998, and 2004 contests. The party’s total was reduced to four seats in both the 2009 and 2014 elections. For many years the party remained unaligned with any of the national parties, but in 1998 it joined the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance coalition that ruled the country from 1998 to 2004. During that time the SAD was able to exert some influence on policy at the national level, especially with regard to India’s relations with Pakistan, with which Punjab shared a long international border. The party maintained its alliance with the BJP into the 21st century, and, following the BJP’s landslide win in 2014, SAD member Harsimrat Kaur Badal (the wife of Sukhbir Singh Badal) was named to the cabinet of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Self Check Exercise-III 1.    When was Akali Dal Formed? 2.    What is the ideology of Shiromani Akali Dal? 21.5    Summary The loss of values of ideology could be due to changing perceptions of the people, leaders and the followers at the ground level. Ordinary people hardly bother about ideological quarrels. For both, people and followers, pragmatic politics have become the norm. Parties are increasingly looked upon as means to serve personal interests. Now we see fewer and fewer leaders having fixed loyalties. Some political leaders change parties as per their convenience. The parties too now follow an “open door policy” in accepting leaders from other parties. Since the signing of the Rajiv-Longowal Accords, the Akali Dal has become highly factionalized due to disagreement among the Sikhs over the implications of the accords. The three major factions of the divided Akali Dal have made several abortive attempts toward unification, but political and personality differences have undermined these overtures. Those who wish Punjab well hope that the Akali Dal movement succeeds. The Centre’s recent initiatives in Punjab (release of most of the Jodhpur detainees; withdrawal of special provisions of the National Security Act applicable to the state, and of the Disturbed Areas Act, except in the most sensitive areas; and allowing foreigners to travel to nearly every part of the state) require reciprocal political moves from the Akali Dal toward restoring peace to Punjab. The Akali Dal, which has been paralyzed so far by dissension, can play an important role in this respect. The Center must do everything it can to encourage Akali Dal unification and to refrain from its earlier divisive policies, which have brought Punjab to its present state of politics. 21.8    Answer to Self-Check Exercise Self Check Exercise-1 1)    For every 25 seats in the Lok Sabha, or any portion thereof, assigned to a State, a party must win at least one seat. or. In the Legislative Assembly, a party must secure three seats or at least 3% of the total number of seats. or. A party must secure one Lok Sabha seat and two Assembly seats, as well as at least 6% of the total votes cast in a given election. 2)    Alternatively, a regional party is a political organization that conducts its political activities inside a constrained geographic territory. Only one or a small number of states are covered by the regional party functions. Self check Exercise-II 1.    A national party is one that has a presence ‘nationally’, unlike a regional party whose presence is limited to only a particular state or region. Any party can become a national party if it fulfils any one of these three conditions: 2.    It receives a minimum of 6% of the legitimate votes cast in four or more states during an election for the Lok Sabha or the State Legislative Assembly (Vidhan Sabha). In addition to the previously stated votes, it needs to receive four Lok Sabha seats from any state or states. Alternatively, it secures at least 2% of the Lok Sabha's seats, with at least three different States electing representatives. Four states recognized the party as a state party. Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Indian National Congress (INC), Trinamool Congress (TMC), Communist Party of India (CPI), Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)), and Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) are the national parties in India that the election commission has defined. Self Check Exercise-III 1)    Akali Dal was formed on 14 December 1920 as a task force of the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee, the Sikh religious body. 2)    Punjabi Nationalism, Punjabiyat and Sikhism 21 .9 Suggested Readings •    Narang, A.S. (1983). Storm over the Sutlej: The Akali Politics. Gitanjali Publications House. Mittal Publications. •    Gupta, A.K. (1991). Emerging Patterns of Political leadership: A Case study of Punjab. •    Kumar, A. (2019). Electoral Politics in Punjab: Factors and Phases. Taylor and Francis. •    Narang, A.S. (2022). Region, Religion and Politics: 100 Years of Shiromani Akali Dal. Routledge. 21 . 10 Terminal Questions •    What do you mean by region party? Explain regional parities of different States. •    What do you mean by social base of party? Explain SAD ideology and social base in Punjab. •    What is the role of SAD in State politics? Critically evaluate the significance of SAD. Unit—22: National Conference: A state party of Jammu and Kashmir 22 .0 Introduction 22.1    Learning Objectives 22.2    Election Symbol and its Significance Self check Exercise-I 22.3    Politics of Autonomy 22.4    Achievements of the Party Self Check Exercise-II 22.5    Summary 22.6    Answer to Self-Check Exercise Self-check Exercise-1 Self-check Exercise-1I Self-check Exercise-1II 22.7    Suggested Readings 22.8    Terminated Questions 22.0 Introduction In the Indian union territories of Jammu and Kashmir, there is a political party known as the Jammu & Kashmir National Conference (JKNC). In the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, Sheikh Abdullah and Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas founded the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference in 1932. In 1939, the organization changed its name to the "National Conference" in order to better reflect the whole state's population. It was in favor of the princely state's 1947 admission to India. Before that, in 1941, a faction under the leadership of Ghulam Abbas separated from the National Conference and resurrected the erstwhile Muslim Conference. The resurrected Muslim Conference spearheaded the campaign for Azad Kashmir and backed the princely state's admission to Pakistan. Jammu and Kashmir National Conference (JKNC) is a regional political party of India. Its mass base is primarily in the state of Jammu and Kashmir. The JKNC operates on the ideology of Moderate Separatism, and the re-unification of Kashmir. This is a political party which is proIndia and favors the policies and schemes of the Indian government. The party which began as the All–Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference in October 1932, was officially founded by Sheikh Abdullah on June 11, 1939 under a new name called All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference. The newly-formed JKNC held its first annual conference in Baramulla in 1940, under its first President Sardar Budh Singh. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, who was famously known as the ‘Lion of Kashmir’, was elected the President of the JKNC in 1947. Under his able leadership, the atrocities of the Kashmir Maharaja at Poonch, who ruled the state during that time, were fiercely revolted against. Gaining complete support of the first Prime Minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru, Sheikh Abdullah demanded a ‘Naya Kashmir’. As he said, "Kashmiris want to decide about their future in a calm and tranquil atmosphere. There has not to be decided by the Maharaja and his cohorts; but by the people of the state. The people there can only be in a position to decide when they first achieve their internal freedom." Sheikh Abdullah merged with the Indira Gandhi-led Congress (I) in 1965, hence becoming the J&K branch of the Congress. Abdullah became the Chief Minister of the state after the JKNC won the majority seats in the state legislative assembly. Farooq Abdullah replaced his father Sheikh Abdullah as the party president, after the latter’s death. Farooq remained the JKNC President from 1981 to 2002 before his son Omar Abdullah became the party chief. In 2009, Farooq was again made the president of the JKNC. The JKNC has won the state legislative assembly elections for a majority of the terms. Presently, the JKNC by defeating the Jammu and Kashmir People’s Democratic Party and in alliance with the Congress, has formed the government in the state. Omar Abdullah is the current Chief Minister of J&K. 22.1    Learning Objectives After this lesson students will be able to understand: >    To make learner capable to understand the politics of Jammu and Kashmir >    TO make learner capable to understand the social base of state party of J&K >    This will helpful in understand the role of National Conference in J&K 22.2    Election Symbol and its Significance The Election Symbol of the Jammu and Kashmir National Conference, as approved by Z the Election Commission of India, is "Plough". It is usually drawn on a red-coloured flag, which together represents the JKNC. This symbol of the party was unanimously adopted in its first annual conference held in Baramulla in 1940. It was presided by the then party chief Sardar Budh Singh. As a political party in the country, the JKNC abides by the sovereign, socialist, secular, and democratic principles and ideals of the Constitution of India. It propagates the true values of socialist doctrines and the legacy of the freedom struggle of India to people, irrespective of any social and political differences. In its official website, the JKNC preaches the last Testament by their founder Sheikh Abdullah or Sher-I-Kashmir, "Only that accession will endure which is acceptable to the hearts of the people. People’s hearts can be won only by love, justice, truthfulness and sincerity and not with subsidized rice, army and offering largesse." The JKNC stands for the values of individual liberty and non-violent peaceful dissent. It claims to represent the voice of the peasants, farmers and marginalized, oppressed sections of the society. The love of the people of the state is primary according to the aims and objectives of the JKNC. Self-Check Exercise-I 1)    What is the name of Indian state Political Parties is led by Omar Abdullah? 2)    What is the ideology of National Conference of Jammu and Kashmir? 22.4    Politics of Autonomy In addition to its cadre, the party might restore its electoral foundation in the valley by using its old ideological basis. Following a period of seclusion, the NC was forced to enter politics using its "autonomy" slogan. As a counter to the separatist language of "azadi," this discourse conveyed the virtue of expediency by offering an explanation of the post-1989 situation and a solution from inside mainstream politics. It identified the state of Jammu and Kashmir's constitutionally granted autonomy as the primary source of militancy and public political dissatisfaction, and it viewed the restoration of this autonomy as a necessary precondition for the turnaround. After a five-year break, the party held a meeting of its central working committee in 1994 and blamed the union of India for uprooting the state's original constitutional system and alienating the Kashmiri people. "The time has come when this state of affairs should be reviewed in order to restore autonomy to its pristine and original form," the resolution it passed stated. Since 1975, the NC has maintained a conventional stance on the autonomy question. On this view, the state's constitutionally mandated autonomy was steadily undermined following Sheikh Abdullah's 1953 dismissal and imprisonment. Through a series of executive decrees and state constitutional amendments, the state was nearly brought up to pace with neighboring states by 1975. As a result, the state began to receive repeated requests for the reform of all core legislation after 1953.The politics of autonomy were undoubtedly relevant given the general atmosphere of public discontent with the Indian government. Given that it acknowledged the Indian state's involvement in escalating Kashmir's political estrangement, it had enough public appeal. If it was really pursued with sincerity, it could also be able to lessen the influence of separatist politics. Therefore, the NC ran in the 1996 assembly election on the platform of restoring the state's autonomy to its pre-1953 status. The NC established a state autonomy committee (SAC) upon winning the election. The committee's findings states that "by repeatedly applying constitutional orders, serious deviations were made and vital positions were altered in the state's constitutional relationship with the center, with the result that the Article370 was 'emptied of its substantive content'." Unfortunately, the NC was unable to gain the necessary backing from the center during the process, therefore it was unable to capitalize politically on the politics of autonomy. The state legislature's resolution, which demanded that the union and the state government take concrete and efficient measures to implement the findings and was sent to the federal government, was met with disdain and rejected without even a brief discussion. Such a harsh rejection of the "Autonomy Resolution" has major ramifications for the NC's political future as well as for the political reactions in Kashmir. It also significantly damaged the NC's political reputation because of its ties to the NDA, which was in charge of blocking the autonomy resolution, while deepening the sense of mistrust toward the center. 22.5    Achievements of the Party As a regional political party, the Jammu and Kashmir National Conference has a number of significant achievements. Some of them are listed below: •    The JKNC has continually worked for the restoration of internal peace between the different factions within the state. It strongly objects the formation of any barrier between the two halves of the state of J&K. The JKNC is in complete support of attaining a lasting negotiation to solve the problems between India, Pakistan, and the State of J&K, making all the three regions equally competent in progress and development. •    Sheikh Abdullah had initiated the policy of single-line administration in the state. This concept was people-centric, involving people in the day-to-day administration of the state, and take the government to the people, and not the people to the government. •    To maintain its secular identity, the JKNC has implemented policies and schemes for the Kashmiri pundits as well the maulvis. It has built colleges and universities for women and reserved categories of the population, thereby paying attention to the issues of minority rights. •    The Panchayati Raj Institutions in the state have been greatly enhanced by the JKNC, providing empowerment to many lakhs of Kashmiri residents. Allocation of funds is made to the local administrations, such as the revenue department, food department etc., in order to ensure their smooth functioning. •    The JKNC had an important role to play in its say against the AFPSA being implemented in the state of J&K, which would kill innocent civilians. In the 1996 Jammu and Kashmir state assembly elections, Abdullah's JKNC won 57 of the 87 available seats, handily defeating the opposition. Similar to previous elections, this one has been accused of being manipulated, and Abdullah resigned in 2000. Subsequently, Omar Abdullah, his son, assumed leadership of the state. However, the Jammu and Kashmir People's Democratic Party (PDP) emerged in the Kashmir Valley as a candidate for power in the 2002 state assembly elections, with the JKNC winning just 28 seats. In the state assembly elections held in December 2008, no party was able to secure a majority. With 28 seats, the JKNC, led by Omar Abdullah, Farooq's son, became the only major party. Following the elections, the JKNC and the INC, which had gained 17 seats, established an alliance on December 30, 2008. On January 5, 2009, Omar Abdullah was appointed as the coalition government's chief minister. INC and JKNC ran together in the 2009 general election. The NC rebel who ran as an independent candidate won the seat in Ladakh, while the INC won both of the seats in the Jammu area. In the Kashmir Valley, NC won all three seats in 2009.The NC ran in an alliance with the Indian National Congress in the 2014 general election, however they were unsuccessful in winning any seats. PDP and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) each won three of the state's six seats. INC severed ties with JKNC during the 2014 Jammu & Kashmir Legislative Assembly election. JKNC ran for every assembly seat, but only managed to secure 15 seats—a 13-seat decline. With 28 seats gained, PDP surpassed BJP with 25 seats to take the lead as the largest party in the assembly. On December24,2014, Omar Abdullah announced his resignation as chief minister. Self Check Exercise-II 1)    In 1996, how many seats JKNC win in the elections? 2)    In 2014 election which party became largest party in the assembly election? 22.6    Summary While this was going on, mainstream politics lost its regional identity because the NC, which had made sure it would win again and again, had a tendency to grow apathetic toward the necessity of preserving its ties to its local electorate, the Kashmiri people. The PDP and other parties are now competing with the NC, which has made mainstream politics in Kashmir more dynamic. The NC is especially benefiting from this change in politics since it has been compelled by external circumstances to re-establish its presence in local politics. The party has been responding to local concerns and demonstrating its sensitivity to local sensitivities because of this. It had altered its political rhetoric even before to splitting from the NDA, realizing that dialogue with Pakistan and the Kashmiri separatists was necessary to stop the abuse of human rights. The biggest obstacle facing the NC right now, though, is its position as the state's dominant opposition party. By expanding the political sphere that mainstream politics now occupy in the Valley, this position can actually assist in countering the separatist threat. Being the state's largest party, it has the ability to successfully bring all the problems that were previously discussed only in the separatist arena when there was no resistance to them to the democratic arena. It is now interacting with the ruling coalition on a number of these matters, particularly those pertaining to the infringement of the general public's human rights. When major opposition parties like the NC bring up these problems, such as the recent deaths of Kashmiri porters in Bandipora, on the legislative floor, it increases the legitimacy and importance of institutional politics. In the past, these institutional politics were marginalized due to the inability of the Kashmiri people to articulate and express their vital concerns through this avenue. 22.7    Answer to Self-Check ExerciseSelf Check Exercise-1 Ans.1) 57 seats out of a total 87 Ans.2) PDP became largest party and won 28 seats in the election. Self Check Exercise-II Ans. 1) National Conference of Jammu and Kashmir Ans. 2) Kashmiriyat, Autonomy of Jammu and Kashmir, Secularism 22.8    Suggested Reading •    Bose, S.(2003), Kashmir: Roots of Conflict, Paths to Peace, Harvard University Press. •    Parashar, P. (2004), Kashmir and the Freedom Movement, Sarup & Sons. •    Mridu R. (2004), Hindu Rulers, Muslim Subjects: Islam, Rights, and the History of Kashmir, C. Hurst & Co. •    Schofield, V. (2003) [First published in 2000], Kashmir in Conflict, London and New York: I. B. Taurus & Co. •    Zutshi, C. (2004), Languages of Belonging: Islam, Regional Identity, and the Making of Kashmir, C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. 22.9    Terminal Questions >    What do you mean by ideology and social base of political parties Explain the role of National Conference of J&K. >    Discus programmes and policies of National Conference. ASSIGNMENTS M.A Political Science Semester 2nd Indian Politics II: Political Processes POLS - 203 1)    Discuss different Approaches to understand the nature of Indian State. 2)    Discuss politics of region in Indian states. 3)    Define caste and its role in Indian Politics. 4)    Analyses the role of Women movements in Indian Politics. 5)    Write a detail note on Agrarian policy. 6)    Discuss ideology and social base of congress or BJP in Indian Politics. 7)    Discuss origin programme, policy, and electoral performance of SAD. 238